Monday, September 27, 2010

DUBES R.I., F. HABIBIE - 'KEBLINGER' Atau Justru - 'TJES PLENG'?

Kolom IBRAHIM ISA
Senin, 27 September 2010
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DUBES R.I., F. HABIBIE - 'KEBLINGER'
Atau Justru - 'TJES PLENG'?

* * *

Menjelang akhir September 2010 ini, di kala di media internet dipublikasikaan berbagai tulisan dalam rangka Peringatan 45 Tahun Tragedi Peristiwa 1965, -- saat antara setengah juta sampai 3 juta warganegara tak bersalah dibantai, dalam suatu kampanye supresi militer anti-PKI dan anti Kiri, dengan sasaran utama menggulingkan Presiden Sukarno dan menghancurkan PKI serta kekuatan Kiri Indonesia --- Den Haag menjadi 'hangat' sekitar hubungan Indonesia-Belanda.

Pasalnya, menjelang kunjungan kenegaraan Presiden SBY ke Belanda (6-9 Oktober 2010), Dubes RI, Junus Effendi Habibie, memberikan wawancara kepada s.k. Beladna ' Het Financieel Dablad'. Habibie mengomentari pemilih PVV < Partij Voor de Vrijheid, sebuah parpol ultra Kanan, Partai Untuk Kebebasan> dan pemimpinnya Geert Wilders. Geert Wilders adalah tokoh politik ekstrim Kanan Belanda yang sedang ngetop dalam kehidupan politik Belanda dewasa ini. Partainya Geert Wilders memberikan 'gedoogdsteun' - dukungan 'permisif'- pada usaha partai liberal VVD dan Kristen demokrat CDA yang bernafsu sekali hendak membentuk kabinet Kanan. Meskipun tidak akan duduk di kabinet mendatang, tapi Geert Wilders punya peranan 'kunci', sebab, tanpa 'gedoogdsteun' PVV kabinet Kanan tidak akan jadi.

* * *

Kata Habibie dalam wawancara tsb : Geert Wilders "blaft" alias "mengonggong". "Andaikan Wilders menjadi bagian kabinet baru Belanda, maka sangat diragukan apakah kunjungan presiden RI Susilo Bambang Yudoyono bakal jadi. Saya tidak mau, presiden saya diperlakukan sebagai badut," katanya. Selain itu Habibie juga mengatakan, bahwa para pemilih PVV menderita sakit jiwa.

Habibie menegaskan bahwa Indonesia sebagai negeri berpenduduk pemeluk Islam terbesar tidak bisa menerima ucapan Geert Wilders yang mengatakan Islam terbelakang. Presiden SBY pasti tidak akan datang ke Belanda bila dalam kabinet Belanda ada yang menganggap Islam terbelakang, kata Habibie.

* * *

Bisa diantisipasi bahwa pernyataan blak-blakkan dan kritis-tajam sedemikian rupa dari seorang Dubes yang mengomentari situasi suatu parpol Belanda, akan menimbulkan reaksi 'keras'. Kontan Geert Wilders dan PVV menuntut menlu demisioner Maxime Verhagen 'memanggil' Dubes RI agar menarik kembali kata-katanya. Khawatir pada kemarahan Geert Wilder itu, Maxime Verhagen mengirimkan seorang pejabat-tingginya ke KBRI menemui Habibie. Dan Habibie menarik kata-katanya yang mengomentari elektorat PVV. Namun, komentarnya mengenai Geert Wilders, tidak dicabutnya kembali. Fihak resmi Belanda menganggap 'pergesekan' ini sudah berakhir sampai disini saja. Tidak ada akibat pembatalan atau penundaan kunjungan Presiden SBY ke Belanda Oktober nanti ini. Tapi bagi Geert Wilders 'campur tangan' Habibie dalam urusan dalam negeri Belanda ini belum selesai. Bisa terjadi pada waktunya Geert Wilders akan kembali menggugat ucapan Habibie itu.

Seorang sahabat-dekatku yang berkesan belakangan ini, menjelang masa akhir jabatannya di Belanda, Dubes Habibie sering 'marah-marah', -- ingin tahu bagaimana pendapatku sekitar ucapan Habibie itu. Begini jawabanku kepada sahabat-dekat itu:

Reaksi masyarakat dan sementara 'orang biasa' yang kutanyai pendapatnya -- berbeda-berbeda. Ada yang  beranggap, Dubes RI tsb 'tidak diplomatis', kaitannya dengan wawancaranya di surat kabar Belanda. Tapi juga ada yang bilang bahwa 'intervensi' Maxime Verhagen, menlu dimisioner Belanda, mengirimkan pejabat tingginya ke KBRI, mendesak Habibie spy 'ngaku salah' berkenaan dengan ucapannya itu, juga 'tidak diplomatis' dan rada 'kurang ajar'. Masak, Dubes RI sepertinya 'dijewer' oleh seorang menlu demisioner Belanda. Ada yang bilang, salahé déwe' sang Dubes, ngapain bikin komentar mengenai pemilih partai PVV.  Di fihak lain, Maxime Verhagen jelas menunjukkan bahwa ia sedang 'didikté' oleh Geert Wilders. Itulah akibatnya karena pimpinan CDA, mengambil sikap oportunis, karena sudah 'kebelet' ingin kuasa terus di Belanda. Dan, untuk itu sampaipun menjlat, ngemis-ngemis pada Geert Wilders, pemimpin PVV.

Tapi,  ada pula yang berreaksi, bahwa ---  Habibie memberikan reaksi kritis dan keras terhadap  sikap 'anti-Islam' Geert Wilders, itu adalah suatu reaksi yang 'bagus'.

Namun, sebaiknya Habibie bukan sekadar 'menjéwér' Geert Wilders dan pemiih PVV, --- tetapi bikinlah suatu reaksi 'yang berbobot' gitu. Tulislah  suatu tanggapan mengenai Indonesia sebagai negeri berpenduduk beragama Islam terbesar di dunia ini. Lebih baik lagi, kalau 'his exellency kita' ini, membela Islam yang benar di Indonesia. Islam yang cinta damai dan toleran. Itu kan lebih baik. Ketimbang 'njeletuk-nyeletuk'  seperti kebiasaannya itu.

Singkat kata,  Habibie dan KBRI, jangan sekadar 'meledak-meledak' seperti apa yang dilakukan oleh dubes kita itu. Kukira dia dan stafnya cukup banyak waktu dan bahan, untuk menyempatkan sedikit waktu, melakukan penulisan  berbobot yang menjelaskan secara singkat padat kepada masyarakat Belanda,  bagaimana Islam di Indonesia itu, --  bagaimana  hal itu berlangsung  secra umum, dalam kehidupan sehari-hari.

Yang jelas, pertama-tama perlu dijelaskan bahwa  Indonesia bukan negara Islam. dsb.

*    *     *

Jadi bagaimana? Apakah wawancara Dubes Hahibie yang keras mengeritik Geert Wilders dan PVV yang anti Islam itu, benar atau salah? KEBLINGER atau malah TJES PLENG? Apakah komentar kritis itu perlu? Tentu pembaca akan menarik kesimpulan sendiri.

Di satu fihak perlu mengenal siapa Geert Wilders, dan PVV itu parpol yang bagaimana? Sebuah website informatif 'WIKIPEDIA', menjelaskan bahwa Geert Wilders (47) jadi anggota Parlemen Belanda sejak 1998, di bawah asuhan pemimpin Partai Liberal Belanda (VVD) Frits Bolkestein ketika itu. Menarik perhatian bahwa menurut 'Wikipedia', ibu Geert Wilders adalah seorang 'Belanda-Indo' generasi ketiga yang lahir di Sukabumi zaman Hindia Belanda 'tempo doeloe'.

Haluan politik Geert Wilders adalah Nasionalis-Liberal Kanan. Namanya mencuat ketika ia tampil sebagai politikus vokal anti-Islam dan anti Al Qur'an. Ia menganjurkan (2008) agr pemerintah Belanda melarang Al Qur'an. Pada tahun 2008 ia membuat film berjudul 'FITNA'. Film yang segera kontroversial tsb jelas sangat anti-Islam dan dianggap sangat menghina Islam dan Al Quran. Pemerintah Belanda melarang film 'FITNA'.

Aukje Van Roessel (52), penulis di 'De Groene Amsterdammer', sebagai freelance journalist, memberikan komentar sekitar Geert Wilders dan PVV: - Antara lain menulis seperti ini: Politik Nederland tidak punya jawaban yang telak terhadap Weert Gilders yang dengan sikapnya yang anti-Islam dan anti-kaum imigran, jelas menantang dan bertentangan dengan UUD Belanda mengenai kebebasan beragama dan berkeyakinan. Mengucilkan Geert Wilders 'enggak jalan', untuk tidak mengisolasinya juga tidak mungkin. Karena bekerjasama dengan Geert Wilders, tampaknya akan jadi kroban pneyanderaannya. Ketidak-berdayaan parpol lainnya itu antara lain disebabkan karena parpol-parpol lain itu tidak mampu memberikan jawaban terhadap ketidak-puasan dan kekecewaan warga. Ketidak-puasan warga itu disebabkan oleh individualisme para elite politik. Juga karena warga terlalu berharap bahwa pemerintah bisa memecahkan problim-problim masyarakat. Juga disebabkan oleh banyaknya peraturan birokratis pemerintah. Warga penduduk pribumi Belanda, populernya yang Bulé - menyaksikan betapa Belanda 'berubah' dengan banyaknya kaum imigran yang berdatangan ke Belanda.

Geert Wilders suka pada peranannya sebagai pemimpin parpol yang jahat dan tidak konstruktif. Ia sering memaki rekan-rekannya dan meninggalkan sidang Parlemen, bila pembicara tak terkenan di hatinya. Dan tidak ada seorangpun pemilihnya yang menyadari bahwa Geert Wilders punya dua ukuran mengenai masalah hak dengan bebas menyatakan pendapat. Pemilihnya tidak sadar bahwa mereka hanya ditunggangi dan dikibuli saja. Karena Gilders tak akan bisa memenuhi janji-janjinya ketika berkampanye pemilu.

Wilders hanya berpegang pada agendanya sendiri, yaitu: Perjuangan melawan Islam. Demikian antara lain komentar dari kalangan media Belanda menenai Geert Wilders.

* * *

Kembali ke pertanyaan di muka tadi: Apakah wawancara Dubes Habibie yang mengeritik keras Geert Wilders, PVV dan pemilihnya, itu 'KEBABLASAN atau justru 'TJES PLENG'?

Di lihat dari segi usaha menarik perhatian umum agar menyadari bahwa Geert Wilders dan Partainya, PVV, merupakan rintangan dalam hubungan baik Indonesia-Belanda, jika andaikata dia ikut berkuasa dalam kabinet Belanda mendatang -- maka isi wawancara Dubes Habibie itu: 'TJES PLENG'. Habibie berani melangkah 'menjéwér' Geert Wilders dan PVV yang anti-Islam dan anti-Al Quran. Dan dengan itu memberikan sinyal kepada elite penguasa politik Belanda jangan bersikap sembarangan terhadap negeri-negeri yang penduduknya mayoritas (85%), beragama Islam.

Di lihat dari segi 'totokromo diplomasi', wawancara Dubes Habhibie itu bisa dianggap 'tidak diplomatis' dan mencampuri urusan dalam negeri negeri lain.

* * *

Demikianlah, tulisan ini ditutup dengan menyarankan pembaca mencermati pemberitaan dan penulisan mengenai peristiwa yang terjadi 45 tahun yang lalu di Indonesia, yaitu TRAGEDI NASIONAL PEMBANTAIAN warganegara tak besalah yang dilakukan oleh fihak militer ketika itu di bawah Jendral Suharto.

Untuk diketahui pembaca: Pada tanggal 02 Oktober 2010 mendatang sebuah Panitia Indonesia akan menyelenggarakan PERINGATAN PERISTIWA TRAGEDI NASIONAL 1965. Lokasi: --- Dieman, gedung Sekolah Schakel.

KBRI Den Haag, tentunya mengetahui rencana PERINGATAN PERISTIWA 1965 yang akan dilangsungkan di Diemen tsb. Para undangan akan berdatangan. Termasuk aktivis HAM dari Indonesia , dan teman-teman Indonesia dari Jerman, Perancis dan Swedia.

Pantes-pantesnya KBRI Den Haag berkenan untuk menghadirinya. Paling bagus andaikata Dubes Habibie sendiri bisa hadir. Mengirimkan salah seorang dari diplomat KBRI- Den Haag --- juga sudah baik!

* * *

Thursday, September 23, 2010

PROF. JAN BREMAN: "LABA KOLONIAL dari KERJA-PAKSA Di JAWA".

IBRAHIM ISA - Berbagi Cerita
Kemis, 23 September 2010
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PROF. JAN BREMAN:
"LABA KOLONIAL dari KERJA-PAKSA Di JAWA".

Kemarin malam, Rabu 22 September aku menyempatkan diri pergi ke "SPUI 25", Amsterdam. Di pusat kota. Baru pertama kali itu aku berkunjung ke sana. Ternyata gedung yang bernama "SPUI.25" itu adalah sebuah gedung pusat budaya (akademis). Dalam bahasa Belanda namanya 'SPUI.25 - Academisch-cultureel Centrum'. Di tempat itu dilakukan pelbagai kegiatan seperti pertemuan, a.l ceramah dan peluncuran buku.

Sehari sebelumnya aku ditilpun sahabatku dr Coen Holtzappel, ketua Stichting Wertheim. Ia mengingatkan agar cepat merespon undangan (jika sudah menerimanya) untuk menghadiri peluncuran buku Prof dr Jan Breman, berjudul 'Koloniaal Profijt Van Onvrije Arbeid. Het Preanger Stelsel van gedwongen Koffiteelt op Java'. Peluncuran itu dilangsungkan pada hari Rabu malam, tanggal 22 September lusa ini. Kita harus hadir, kata Coen. Bukankah Breman sahabat kita? Memang, Prof Jan Breman adalah sahabat kental 'Stichting Wertheim'. Pada waktu penyampaian 'Wertheim Award 2008' kepada Benny Setiono, di Universitas Amsterdam, -- yang bicara di situ adalah Prof. dr Jan Breman. Aku segera menilpun Ny Ebisse Rauw dari Spui-25 untuk memastikan kedatangan kami berdua. Semua undangan yang hadir malam itu, kira-kira 100 orang, terdaftar dalam undangan yang merespon.

* * *

Siapa Prof dr J.C. Breman?
Baik kutegaskan dengan pasti! Prof. Jan Breman, seperti halnya teman-teman dari Stichting Wertheim, Komite Indonesia, Holland, banyak pakar dan sarjana Belanda lainnya di KITLV, IISG dan pelbagai lembaga ilmu Belanda, adalah SAHABAT INDONESIA.

Prof Jan Breman adalah emeritus gurubesar 'Comparative Sociology', tergabung pada 'Amsterdam Instituut voor Sociaal-Wetenschap Onderzoek' - Lembaga Amsterdam Untuk Penelitian Pengetahuan Sosial - Ia mengambil Ilmu-ilmu Sosial sebagai mata-pelajaran-utama di Universitas Amsterdam serta mengadakan spesialisasi Studi-studi Asia Tenggara.

Kepindahannya ke Universitas Amsterdam, 1987, untuk memberikan kuliah 'comparative sociology', berbarengn dengan didirikannya 'post graduate studies dari 'Centre For Asian Studies Amsterdam' - CASA. Beliau menjabat dekan di CASA. Dalam kaitan ini beliau sering berkunjung ke India dan Indonesia . Dalam kurun waktu lima tahun Prof Breman pernah melakukan kerja-lapangan a.l. di Jawa Barat. Tertutama mengenai buruh pertanian dan kota serta masalah 'employment'. Antara lain Breman menulis
karyanya 'Good Times and Bad Times in Rural Java. A Study of Socio-Economic Dynamics toward the End of Twentieth Century' (KITLV,Leiden 2002). Juga bisa dibaca karyanya tentang Pengawasann Tanah dan Kerja; Sebuah Kasus-Studi Krisis Agraria dan Reform di Daerah Cirebon Selama Puluhan Tahun Pertama Abad Ke-20. KITLV. - Verhandelingen, 1983. Dan banyak lagi tulisannya mengenai hasil risetnya di India dan Indonesia. Sampai sekarang Prof Breman masih duduk di dewan redaksi pelbagai jurnal profesional internasional.

* * *

Hadir di panel diskusi peluncuran buku Breman malam itu, a.l. Prof Jan Pronk, mantan menteri kabinet Wim Kok, Adriaan van Dis (penulis) dan Heather Sutherland, gurubesar emeritus sejarah bukan-barat. Diskusi mengenai buku Breman dan karya yang ditekuninya sampai 30 tahun itu, cukup menarik.

Tetapi yang hedak kuceritakan ialah mengenai buku itu sendiri.

Kata-kata yang dikutip Jan Breman pada halaman pertama bukunya, adalah dari penulis besar Multatuli, sbb:

"Namun, datanglah orang-orang asing dari Barat, yang menjadikan dirinya penguasa dan tuan atas negeri ini. Mereka hendak cari untung dari kesuburan tanahnya, dan memerintahkan penduduk agar sebagian dari karya mereka menghasilkan urusan lainnya' -- ketika itu orang bicara soal beras, yang diperlukan bagi orang-orang Jawa untuk hidup -- 'mengenai urusan lainnya, yang bisa memberikan keuntungan lebih besar di pasar-pasar Eropah. Untuk menggerakkan penduduk ke arah itu, tidak lebih banyak diperlukan selain suatu sistim-kenegaraan yang sederhana. Mereka-mereka itu mematuhi Kepala-Kepala mereka (yang dimaksudkan adalah penguasa bumiputera setempat, I.I.). Jadi yang diperlukan adalah merebut/menguasai Kepala-Kepala tsb melalui suatu pembagian keuntungan . . . . dan itu berhasil sepenuhnya.
.

Khayati isi kutipan Multatuli yang ditempatkan di halaman pertama dari bukunya, dari situ orang bisa mengenal siapa Prof Jan Breman.

* * *

Jan Breman mengungkap salah satu dari halaman-halaman hitam sejarah Nederland dan menunjukkan bagaimana VOC dan penguasa negeri yang menyertainya, yang telah meninggalkan jejak-jejak dalam pada organisasi pertanian Jawa. Dalam bukunya "Laba Kolonial dari Kerja Paksa: Breman membehandel pelaksanaan dan perluasan penanaman-kopi di dataran tinggi Jawa Barat di bawah kekuasaan kolonial.

Breman memperlihatkan betapa penguasa baru melibatkan penguasa feodal setempat bumiptera sebagai bentuk pemerintahan murah untuk memaksa penduduk melakukan kerja paksa. Dan itu berhasil sepenuhnya, seperti yang ditulis Multauli.

Dalam studi ini Breman melakukan penunjangan sebenarnya mengenai gugatan yang dilakukan Multatuli satu setengah abad yang lalu. Apa sebabnya berlaku dan éfék stelsel Preanger mengenai penggunaan kerja-tak-bebas, dengan mana penguasa kolonial unggul, merupakan elemen menyolok dalam pembelaan mengenai politik yang berlangsung.

Studi ini bisa dianggap sebagai peninjauan mengenai penulisan sejarah dan sebagai suatu uraian pengetahuan-sosial mengenai karya Multatuli. Sekaligus terdapat gambaran langka tentang masa awal-kolonial. (Sumber: Amsterdam University Press)

* * *

Kalangan perguruan tinggi Belanda, internasional juga memberikan sambutan hangat dengan terbitnya karya Prof Jan Breman ini.

John Ingelson, seorang historikus mengenai masalah kolonial Indonesia, memuji karya ilmiah Breman sebagai - Pernyataan kuat dan berargumentasi mengenai politik kolonial yang berlangsung dan éféknya, yang menunjukkan bagaimana penduduk 'inlander' dipaksa kerja untuk menciptakan hasil-surplus yang telah menjadikan mereka miskin-papa, di lain fihak menjadikan penguasa kaya-raya, sehingga memberikan syarat bagi negeri penjajah untuk mengadakan modernisasi.

Marcel van de Linden dari ISSG Amsterdam, menyatakan a.l: Buku yang merupakan perintis dari seorang sosiolog-pertumbuhan Nederland terpenting menunjukkan bagaimana suatu rezim kolonial di Hindia-Belanda 'menangani kerja-paksa' sebagai dasar pelaksanaan pertanian yang berorientasi ekspor. Tak pernah sebelumnya, -- berfungsinya kerja-paksa dikonstruksi sedemikian gablangnya.

S.M.P. Tjondronegoro, gurubesar emeritus IPB dan wakil ketua Akademi Pengetahuan Indonesia, menyatakan bahwa buku Breman merupakan laporan mengesankan mengenai penderitaan dan ketidak-adilan masa-lampau yang tak boleh dilupakan. Suatu edisi Indonesia dari buku ini akan sangat disambut.

Heather Sutherland, gurubesar emeritus sejarah bukan-barat, Vrije Universiteit Amstedam (VU) menandaskan a.l.: Studi yang baik ditunjang ini mempersoalkan muncul dan kerjanya suatu sistim pemerasan luarbiasa, yang telah mengubah suatu daerah 'frontir' menjadi leveransir utama kopi untuk pasar dunia. Membaca buku ini merupakan sesuatu yang memuaskan, menguntungkan bagi pakar sejarah Indonesia dan bagi siapa saja yang peduli perubahan agraria, kerja dan pembentukan negara di periode kolonial.

* * *

Demikianlah malam peluncuran buku Prof Jan Breman telah berlangsung dengan lancar dan sukes. Aku sempat membeli buku Breman itu. Sambil mengucapkan selamat kepada Prof Breman, aku minta ia menandatangi bukunya yang baru kumiliki itu.

Breman tersenyum. Diambilnya sebuah ballpoint dan menuliskan di buku baru itu, kalimat berikut ini: 'Voor Isa, die volhoudt!' -- Breman, 22/09/2010. Membaca tulisan-tangan Breman itu, aku senyum dan mengucapkan terima kasih kepada beliau.


* * *

Friday, September 17, 2010

Menyongsong Kunjungan Mendatang Presiden SBY ke Belanda

"Kolom IBRAHIM ISA:
Jum'at, 17 September 2010
------------------------------

Mengantisipasi hubungan Indonesia-Belanda

(Menyongsong Kunjungan Mendatang Presiden SBY ke Belanda)

Ketika menyambut kunjungan Presiden Gus Dur ke Belanda, sepuluh tahun yang lalu, Februari 2000, di Kolom ini (25 Januari 2000) dinyatakan, bahwa akan merupakan suatu inisiatif yang positif, bila pemerintah Belanda memanfaatkan kunjungan kenegaraan Presiden Republik Indonesia tsb untuk melakukan tiga hal:

1). Secara resmi fihak Belanda menyatakan penyesalan mereka dan minta maaf
kepada bangsa Indonesia berhubung penderitaan yang disebabkan oleh penindasan dan eksploitasi kolonialisme Belanda atas Indonesia, termasuk
dilancarkannya dua kali 'Aksi Polisionil' oleh Belanda terhadap Republik
Indonesia.

2). Pemerintah Belanda secara formal mengakui bahwa hari kemerdekaan
Indonesia, jatuh pada hari Proklamasi, tanggal 17 Agustus 1945, dan bukan
pada hari penyerahan kedaulatan Belanda kepada RIS dalam tahun 1949, yang
berlangsung sesudah Konferensi Meja Bundar antara Indonesia dan Belanda.

3). Pemerintah Belanda menghormati dan mengakui sikap dan pendirian bangsa Indonesia, bahwa presiden pertama Republik Indonesia, Ir Sukarno, adalah
Proklamator Pahlawan Kemerdekaan Indonesia, salah seorang pejuang
kemerdekaan Indonesia yang terkemuka, serta salah seorang founding fathers
nasion dan negara Indonesia.

Ketiga point tsb diatas telah kusampaikan dalam surat tertanggal 23
Januari, 2000 kepada Perdana Menteri Kerajaan Belanda Wim Kok, Ketua Tweede Kamer Ny. J. Nieuwenhoven, dan kepada para ketua fraksi parpol-parpol yang penting di Tweede Kamer. Mudah-mudahan ada respons yang positif dari fihak Belanda.

Bila usul yang kusampaikan kepada PM Wim Kok tsb dipenuhi saya punya
keyakinan bahwa hubungan kedua negeri dan kedua bangsa seterusnya akan
berlangsung diatas dasar yang baru samasekali, yaitu atas dasar saling
menghormati, saling menguntungkan serta bersahabat. Atas dasar yang baru
ini, seyogianya akan lebih memungkikan untuk meneruskan serta memperluas
kerjasama antara Indonesia dengan Belanda. Akan lebih mempererat hubungan diantara berbagai organisasi masyarakat, misalnya di bidang kebudayaan,
sosial, ekonomi dan politik.

* * *

Kerjasama Indonesia-Belanda:

Sebagai negeri kepulauan, Indonesia sesungguhnya adalah suatu negeri maritim. Bagaimana membangun dan mempertahankan negeri maritim seperti Indonesia?

Untuk itu diperlukan angkatan laut yang kuat, yang memadai untuk
menjaga kekayaan lautnya, dan mempertahankan kedaulatan negeri maritim yang luas ini. Selain itu yang tidak kalah pentingn, dimilikinya oleh negeri ini,
suatu armada pengangkutan laut yang sesuai dengan tuntutan zaman. Artinya
yang cukup modern. Lagipula jumlahnya harus memadai. Armada pengangkutan laut yang modern dan jumlahnya besar ini, akan menjamin lancarnya hubungan ekonomi, antara pusat dan daerah, serta hubungan antar pulau. Menjadikan lautan yang tampaknya sebagai pemisah antar pulau dan daerah, menjadi alat untuk mempererat hubungan dan terintegrasinya seluruh bangsa yang terdiri dari begitu banyak suku bangsa.

Justru dalam masalah modernisasi dan memperbanyak armada pengangkutan
Indonesia, Indonesia bisa memperbaharui kerjasama dengan fihak Belanda. Di
satu fihak bisa mengundang investasi fihak Belanda dalam perusahaan
pengangkutan laut Indonesia, umpamanya dalam bentuk joint-fenture. Selain
itu kiranya pelabuhan-pelabuhan pantai maupun samudra negeri kita memerlukan upgrading dan tambahan yang baru. Mengenai inipun bisa mengundang investasi fihak Belanda. Belanda punya banyak pengetahuan dan pengalaman mengenai keadaan lautan dan pengelolaan pelayaran Indonesia. Ingat perusahaan pelayaran Belanda di zaman Hindia Belanda, KPM (Koningklijke Paketvaart Maatschapij).

Belanda memiliki industri perkapalan sipil maupun militer yang maju dan
canggih. Ini merupakan bidang lainnya lagi, di mana antara kedua negeri bisa diadakan kerjasama yang saling menguntungkan. Dalam membangun lebih lanjut industri perkapalan kita sendiri, dalam memprodusir kapal-kapal angktan laut yang berkecepatan tinggi untuk melindungi kekayaan lautan kita dari perampokan penangkap-penangkap ikan negeri lain, untuk mempertahankan kedaulatan perairan kita, dalam memperbanyak armada perkapalan sipil kita, kita memanfaatkan investasi modal dan kemampuan teknologi Belanda di bidang tsb.

Dalam mengelola kekayaan lautan Indonesia, secara maksimal memanfaatkan
lautan kita yang kaya-raya, tidaklah salah rasanya bila memanfaatkan
pengetahuan dan pengalaman Belanda itu.

* * *

Di bidang ilmu pengetahuan dan teknologi, terdapat bidang-bidang dimana kerjasama bisa diteruskan dan diperluas lebih lanjut. Bangsa kita dewasa ini sedang melakukan usaha untuk menjadikan negara kita suatu negara hukum dimana hak-hak azasi manusia dihormati dan diberlakukan. Di waktu yang lalu tidak sedikit akhli-akhli hukum kita yang memperoleh pendidikannya dari Belanda. Dan bahkan belajar langsung di negeri Belanda.

Dalam era reformasi dan demokrasi dewasa ini, perundang-undangan dan hukum Indonesia pasti akan mengalami banyak perubahan dan pembariuan, demi menegakkan negara kita sebagai negara hukum. Ini berarti bahwa para akhli hukum, tamatan negeri kita sendiri, khususnya dari generasi baru, dapat
memperluas dan memperdalam pengetahuannya di bidang hukum dengan melakukan post-graduate studies di Belanda. Ini sebagai input untuk mendalami masalahnya, serta memodernisir bidang perundang-undangan dan hukum kita.

Kalau ada negeri yang paling banyak mempelajari masalah hukum, termasduk
hukum adat Indonesia, dan kalau ada negeri yang di waktu yang lalu paling
banyak menyimpan dokumen, bahan sejarah, dan penulisan mengenai hukum di Indonesia, maka negeri itu adalah negeri Belanda. Belum lagi kita bicara mengenai masalah kebudayaan. Bahan-bahan mengenai sastra dan kebudayaan Indonesia, umumnya, tidak tanggung-tanggung jumlahnya di Belanda.

Ambillah yang menyangkut ilmu sejarah. Tidak bisa dibayangkan kayanya
negeri Belanda dengan bahan-bahan dan penulisan sejarah Indonesia. Cobalah
sekali-kali mengunjungi KITLV di Leiden, IISG, serta musium-musium dan
perpustakaan di Amsterdam, Leiden dan Den Haag,dll, kita akan menemukan
sendiri betapa berlimpah-limpahnya bahan-bahan studi mengenai sejarah
Indonesia, yang ada di situ. Yang lebih penting lagi, perhatian para
cendekiawan Belanda mengenai masalah Indonesia, masih tetap amat besar.

* * *

Dalam situasi dimana kita sedang memulihkan ekonomi, dimana pemerintah punya rencana untuk mengembangkan dan menumbuhkan ekonomi kita lebih lanjut, juga di sini terdapat bidang-bidang dimana bisa
melakukan kerjasama dengan Belanda.

Suatu contoh bersangkutan dengan bidang pertambangan dan pertanian. Di Belanda terdapat begitu banyak data mengenai kekayaan bumi dan catatan mengenai keadaan tanah pertanian di Indonesia. Dibanding dengan negeri lainnya, Belanda paling banyak punya pengalaman dan pengetahuan mengenai keadaan bumi dan air Indonesia. Maka, kerjasama di bidang ini mestinya akan mendatangkan manfaat bagi kedua negeri.

 Bukan saja mengenai masalah air, penggunaan, pengawasan dan pemeliharaannya, tetapi juga mengenai masalah bangunan air, Belanda punya pengalaman dan pengetahuan yang bisa dimanfaatkan oleh kita, melalui suatu kerjasama yang saling menguntungkan.

 Di bidang industri berat: Belanda adalah suatu negeri yang sudah maju. Industri bajanya misalnya ada pada taraf yang setara dengan negeri-negeri industri lainnya, seperti AS, Jepang, Jerman dan Inggris. Belum lagi kita singgung pengetahuan dan teknologi mereka dalam hal industri elektronik dan software.

Belajar dari segi negatif, kita juga bisa menimba pengalaman mereka menenai
industri pesawat terbang. Mengapa industri pesawat terbang Belanda FOKKER, yang sudah begitu lama berdiri dan berproduksi, dalam zaman globaliasi ini,
akhirnya bangkrut. Meskipun, bagian-bagian tertentu industri pesawat terbang Fokker, masih berproduksi di Belanda. Indonesia, yang industri pesawat terbangnya, IPTN, sedang kembang- kempis, tidak perlu sungkan-sungkan untuk belajar dari FOKKER, dari pengalaman mereka yang negatif itu.

* * *

Satu masalah yang menimbulkan rasa kagum kita pada pengelolaan perekonomian Belanda, ialah, bahwa sebagai negeri industri, Belanda juga merupakan negeri pengekspor hasil-hasil produksi peternakan dan pertanian yang besar di Eropah. Sebagai negeri industri, Belanda amat memperhatikan masalah pertanian dan peternakan.

Universitas Pertanian di Wageningen dikunjungi oleh banyak siswa untuk post-graduate studies, dari negeri-negeri dunia ketiga. Tampaknya agak aneh. Kok siswa-siswa dari negeri-negeri pertanian pada belajar di universitas negeri indus-tri yang maju, seperti Belanda. Ini menunjukkan kecanggihan pengetahuan, pengelolaan dan pengalaman mereka di bidang pertanian dan peternakan. Semua yang disebut diatas tadi, adalah sekadar contoh.

Di bidang-bidang mana saja Indonesia bisa mengundang investasi dan kerjasama dengan Belanda, para akhli kita di bidang ekonomi -- seperti mantan Menteri Kwik Kian Gie, yang lulusan Universitas Erasmus, Rotterdam -- , pertanian, industri, pelayaran dsb tentunya jauh lebih tahu.

Kunjungan Presiden SBY ke Belanda, sebagai kunjungan kepala negara RI
pertama, hasil pemilhan presiden langsung, selain yang utama, untuk
meletakkan dasar yang baru sama sekali dalam hubungan kedua negeri, juga
memanfaatkannya sekaligus untuk kepentingan perkembangan dan pertumbuhan ekonomi kita.Rasanya ini bukanlah sesuatu yang diluar jangkauan. Karena, fihak Belanda tentunya berkepentingan juga untuk memperert hubungannya dengan Indonesia, untuk meluaskan hubungan kedua negeri dalam arti karta yang positif, menguntungkan untuk kedua belah fihak.
Harapan kita tidak lain yaitu suksesnya kunjungan Presiden Gus Dur ke
Belanda!

* * *



* * *

Thursday, September 16, 2010

VOORBURG SPEECH, 09 OCT 2010 - - - -

EMBARGO UNTIL 10 0CTOBER 2010

IBRAHIM ISA
Voorburg, October 9th, 2010
----------------------------

A CONTRIBUTION TO THE NETHERLANDS – JAPAN DIALOGUE FOR RECONCILIATION


Mr Chairman,
Honourable Members of the Directinggroup of this DIALOGUE,
Ladies and gentlemen,
Good Morning,

Let me start my observation, at today's gathering, --- with these words: --- Sincere thanks to Mme Jeanne Ham and Prof Muraoka, who sent me the invitation. I feel honoured to be participant of this important gathering of reconciliation.

Before outlining my views on the theme of the agenda of this meeting, allow me to make a brief introduction of myself, IBRAHIM ISA, of Indonesian origin. Dutch citizen since 1989.

* * *

I have dedicated a greater part of my life for the cause of emancipation of the Indonesian nation. And, it is still so, at 80 today. This explain why, after becoming a Dutch citizen, I have accepted the invitation of dr. Coen Holtzappel, Chairman of the Executive Board of Stichting Wertheim, to become member of the Board, as Secretary. The Wertheim Foundation, established 20 years ago on the occasion of Wertheim's 80th birthday – came into being for the sole purpose of making contribution to the struggle of Indonesia for national emancipation.

Permit me to share with you a remarkable event in my personal life -- in relation to the Netherlands. It is a 'unique' and 'remarkable' experience. Sixty-five years ago, 17th of Augus 1945, Indonesia proclaimed her Independence. A war of independence broke out between Indonesia and Holland, which lasted 5 years, ending in 1949. During the war of independence I joined the struggle. I became an active participant in the struggle against the Dutch in Indonesia, who refused to recognize Indonesian independence. So they started a war of suppression and annihilation against the Republic of Indonesia.

Here come the 'unique' and 'remarkable' part of my story. Yars later, in 1986, I and my family, came to Holland for the second time. A country of a former adversary. For what? This time I came to make a request for asylum in the Netherlands. I and my family can not stay in my beloved country Indonesia, because of the oppressive regime of General Suharto. Is it not remarkable? How events can develop in such a turn? The Dutch government of 1986, followed a different policy towards Indonesia. Netherlands and Indonesia established a normal diplomatic relation. However, abiding by the international and European convention to protect political refugees from an oppressive regime, -- the Dutch government gave political asylum and protection to me and my family. How thankful I am to the Dutch government!

Arriving in Holland at the end of 1986, as political refugee, I made my mind to do my bit for mutual understanding and mutual respect, for co-operation and mutual benefit for the two nations and countries, Indonesia and the Netherlands. It is not easy because Indonesia and Holland have a long 'COMMON HISTORY', full of sufferings and misunderstandings.

That is when formulated in a diplomatic polite wordings. But to 'tell a spade a spade', we Indonesians were for a long-long period, a colonised people and country. While the Dutch were the colonizer. We were the underdog. The Dutch were the masters. We were the one who suffer. The Dutch were the benefectors! This is our past history in relation to |Holland.

The Pacific-War and the Proclamation of Indonesian Independence, by Sukarno and Moh. Hatta on behalf of the Indonesian people, and the compromise and agreement between Indonesia and Holland in 1949, after 4 years of war of independence, has officially solved the problem of Dutch colonialism in Indonesia. It ended the subjugation of Indonesia by the Netherlands. But not completely!

There was still the problem of West Irian. Papua as it is now called. When we proclaimed our independence in 1945, for us Indonesia is from Sabang to Merauké, the former Netherlands-East Indies, which includes Papua. But at the time of the compromise between Indonesia and Holland (1949). When the Dutch left Indonesia, the West Irian problem was not solved yet. The Dutch refused to leave Papua. This unsolved problem of West Irian (Papua), was later settled through the UNO. However, the refusal of the Dutch government to recognize the day of the Proclamation of the Independene of Indonesia August 17, 1945, as the day of INDONESIAN INDEPENDENCE, remains unsolved until today.


* * *

Ladies and Gentlemen,

In the closing-speech of the last meeting, member of the directingroup, Mr Anton Stephan, pointed out that: knowledge of each sides, by telling and listening of each others personal life-history, – is the way to work in finding a way to each others understanding, and for reconciliation.

Another participant of the last meeting, Mr Wim Lindeijer, said in his closing speech: “Without denying the past, a way to the future should be found, free of hate and rancour, resentment and ill-feelings. It begins with each others respect as humanbeings, not as enemies, anymore.”

Following the way as pointed by Mr Anton Stephan and Mr Wim Lindeijer, I think it is proper for me, to tell you here my own story, my personal understnding of the past.

* * *

Ladies and Gentlemen,

We are here to find ways and means to come to a common understanding, on the impact of what has happened with the inmates of the Dutch-internment-camp during the Japanese military occupation of Indonesia. All what happened during the Japanese occupation of Indonesia, especially what has happened with the Dutch people in the internment-camp, occured in Indonesia. Thus to come to an undersanding of the problem, it should be viewed in relation with the historial background of the relations between Holland and Indonesia.

In fact it is a triangle-relation problem, between Indonesia, Holland and Japan.
A satisfactory and good solution of this problem to a great extend depend on the correct common-understanding and political will of the authorities, of the government of Japan, Holland and Indonesia.

I think this is the best way to see the problem of past history relating to the specific relation between the people of Holland, Indonesia and Japan.

* * *

This is my own story and understanding of this problem:

On August 07, 1999, I attended a meeting in Amsterdam on the following theme: Reflections on Japanese Occupation of Indonesia. In a written statement I put forward this question: "What is it, that dominates in the reflection on the Japanese Occupation in the three respective countries, Indonesia, the Netherlands and Japan?"

(I)
For more than a half century, perhaps until this minute, opinions
and reflections held by not a view circles in Holland, concerning the
Japanese occupation of the Netherlands-Indies (now the Republic of
Indonesia), were mostly if not all, are -- on the sufferings of the Dutch
people, especially women, children and the elderly, in the many
internment-camp put up by the Japanese Army in Indonesia. This is
understandable.

Their reflections and thoughts, perhaps logically, (because of the
fact that they are protagonists of the colonial administration of the
Netherlands-Indies) were not of the conditions of the Indonesian
people. They seldom touch upon the general conditions and situation of
that time, such as:

"The policy and the responsibility of the administration of the
Netherlands Indies in Batavia, and the Government of the Kingdom of the
Netherlands in The Hague, at that time, vis a vis the problem of the
Japanese plan to conquer the whole of East Asia, including the Dutch
East Indies. Did the Dutch authorities made serious and enough
preparation on this problem?"

Facts and developments show that the Dutch Government pursued an
irresponsible policy towards the people of Indonesia. What really was
in the mind of the Dutch Government was not the wellbeing and
preparedness of the Indonesian people, but the wish to safeguard the
Netherlands-Indies as an appendix of Holland and to maintain Indonesia
as a colony, after the war is over.

(II).
For the protagonists of the 'status quo' of the Dutch-Indies,
Indonesians who were not fighting against the Japanese occupationists,
worse, those who cooperated with the Japanese, are 'collaborators'.Especially personalities as Sukarno, the late president of the Republic
of Indonesia, Mohammad Hatta, the late Vice President of the RI, and
others, were simple "collaborators".

They particularly branded Bung Karno for 'collaboratoring' with 'the
enemy'. They desrcibed Sukarno as another 'Quisling'. They maintained
that Sukarno verify and took part in the mobilization of the 'romusha'
(forced labourers) by the Japanese occupation force, who were compelled
to work for the Japanese war machine. Under the Japanese sponsored
'romusha' project hundreds of many thousands of Indonesian men
have met their death. And Sukarno was blamed for this tragedy.

However, this way of seeing things, does not tally with the reality
during the Japanese occupation of Indonesia. This kind of argumentation
could be justified 'if' Bung Karno and Bung Hatta were Dutch, serving at
the bureaucracy of the Dutch-Indies Government. If they were Dutch or
serving under the Dutch colonial rule, then it was right to brand them
as 'collaborators'. But, they were not! Moreover, they were against the
Ducth. Together with other freedom fighters of Indonesia, they were
opposing the Dutch colonial authorities and struggle for the independence
of Indonesia.

So, Bung Karno, Bung Hatta, and other freedom-fighters, did not, and
will never stand on the same side as the Dutch colonial government and
community in Indonesia. The Indonesians were never (from the viewpoint
of the Dutch) "us", so to say. They were 'inlander' (indigenous people),
i.e.second or third rank citizens of their own country. And we,
Indonesians, never regard the Dutch as "us". In essence the Indonesian
freedom fighters were 'enemies' of the Dutch colonialism. Thus, when
another enemy of the Dutch, the Japanese, came to Indonesia and swept
away the entire Dutch colonial army and adminstration, --- was it strange
that the Indonesians did not take side with the Dutch? Instead, the
Indonesians welcomed the Japanese! In the light of the concrete
conditions at the time, it was an illusion and wishful thinking, to
hope that Indonesians would sympathize with the Dutch and oppose the
arrival of the Japanese army.

Consider the following points:
First point:

The attitude of wide circles of Indonesian freedom fighters
and of the general public towards the 'arrival' of the Japanese army was
the following: The Japanese army was seen with admiration as a 'mighty
force of an Asian country, which was able to sweep away the 'strong'
British Army, an European army, (in Malaya amd Singapore), and the Dutch KNIL in no time. Until that time, the 'White Men', rulers of the colonies in Asia,
were regarded as 'superior' in comparison with any coloured Asian
people.

I think it is not a mistake to note that the Japanese troops were, more
or less, welcomed by the public, as an Asian power that are superior
than the Westerners. (Intermezo: I have to tell you here, that at that
time I was among the many Indonesians who welcomed the Japanese troops
coming from Banten on their bikes. We believed, wrongly of course, that
the Japanese were better than the Dutch).

Second point:

The policy of "de-Hollandisation" pursued by the Japanese
in Indonesia. At the one hand, Indonesians were obliged to learn
Japanese, but, on the other hand, in one night the Dutch language, the
official langguage of the Dutch-Indies, spoken only by the rulers, the
highranking bureaucracy and the elites of Indonesia, was replaced by the
Bahasa Indonesia. The names of all roads, boulevards, streets and ways,
shops, offices, schools, buildings, monuments and textbooks down from
the basic school up to the university, that beforehand were in the Dutch
language, were changed - or translated- into the Indonesian language:
the Bahasa. One can not overlook the feelings of joy and pride of the
Indonesians being 'their own'. It was this emotion that dominates the
political atmosphere. Of course that was, before Indonesians later knew
by their own experience that the Japanese were simply new overlords,
who in many cases were even worse than the colonial Hollanders.

Third point:

In pursuing their Pacific-War efforts, the Japanese trained hundreds of thousands of Indonesian youth in military excercise and discipline. The Japanese were making Indonesians 'cannon fodders' for their war against the Allied. Strange enough, the arrival of the Japanese, to a great extent have sore up the natinalistic and patriotic feelings of most Indonesians. Especially the Japanese military training the Indonesians were going through, resulted in such an atmosphere. Starting from the higher classes of basic schools up to the higher learning, the youth and students were obliged to pass through military training. Apart from this, members of Japanese formed Indonesian youth organizations such as the 'Three A Youth Movement' (AAA), the 'Seinendan' and the 'Keibodan' got military training too. This kind of situation can not even be dreamed about by Indonesian under Dutch rule.The Netherlands-Indies authorities were afraid to arm Indonesians for the purpose of opposing Japanese invasion. The Dutch were afraid that, some time in the future, who knows, the Indonesians will turn their guns (provided by the Dutch) against the Dutch themselves. What the Dutch agreed upon was the rearming of the KNIL (a professional colonial army who were trained to suppress the people) and the training of a handful of 'Stadswacht' soldiers, who were poorly armed to 'defend' the big cities against the Japanese invasion..

The Nationalist leaders such as Bung Karno and Hatta, managed to get concessions from the Japanese authorities, that Indonesian youth who were recruted in a regular army, be organized into two types of armies. One type: the 'Heiho', officially a Japanese-army. They were directly commanded by Japanese officers, and will be sent at any place needed by the Japanese. The second type: called the 'PETA'.(Pembela Tanah Air, meaning Defenders of the Motherland) an Indonesian army, still under the Japanese high command. But, from the batallion level down, commanded by Indonesian officers. The 'Heiho', directly under the Japanese command, were to fight against the Allied. The 'PETA', will be stationed in the home-country, to defend the motherland. This was an important compromise between the Japanese and the Indonesian nationalist leaders. Most important for the Indonesian leaders were the fact that a good number of Indonesian youth receive militry training and armed. This was a very important preparation in anticipation of the coming situation, in which the Pacific-War will end with the defeat of the Japanese.

As developments confirm, the initial Indonesian armed forces at the beginning of the 'August 1945 Revolution', consisted mainly of the youth who during the Japanese occupation received military training by the Japanese, in different youth organization and educational institution, as well as in the regular army of 'Heiho' and 'PETA'.
Eventhough the new Indonesian armed forces were mainly trained by the Japanese , and to a certain extend influenced by militaristic ideas, they were, however, remoulded politically during the 'August National Revolution', and have become the new defender of the Republic of Indonesia. Even during the Japanese occupation they got political education by Bung Karno and Bung Hatta, in preparation for the day of independece which was to come.
 
Fourth point:

Immediately after the arrival of the Japanese army in Indonesia, as told by the late Subadio Sastrosatomo, former leader of the Indonesian Socialist Party and MP, in his booklet "Sukarno is Indonesia, and Indonesia is Sukarno" (1995), Bung Karno, Bung Hatta and Sutan Syahrir had a secret meeting to formulate tactics vis a vis the Japanese. Sutan Syahrir and some of his friends, incl. Subadio, and others were not
ready to cooperate with the Japanese, they prefer to work underground. Bung Karno and Bung Hatta, and others, chose the tactics of 'cooperation' with the Japanese. Bung Karno and Bung Hatta, deligently making use of the opportunity and facilities given by the Japanese, have politically educated the people, especially the youth, by so doing have successfully trained them as freedom fighters. One cannot see a
month pass by without seeing or listening to the political speeches by Bung Karno in public meetings throughout the country.

The political speeches were also made before the young people of the PETA. Through their work in politically educating the people, Bung Karno and Bung Hatta, were recognized as leaders of Indonesia by the people.Thus Subadio.

What Bung Karno and Bung Hatta were doing was the difficult work of
'nation-building' of Indonesia.

Fifth point,

The political, mental and physical preparation done by the Indonesian leaders under the Japanese occupation, , were finally to become the fundamental and final conditions, for Indonesia to be able to proclaim their independence in August 1945.
 
It was also the coordination between the open, legal work with the underground work of our founding-fathers that has made the proclamation of the independence of Indonesia possible.

Our leaders have made a delligent use of the existing contradiction between the occupying Japanese army and the Allied troops, and the contradictions that exist between the Ducth and the Japanese, as well as the contradictions among all those forces: the Dutch, the Japanese, and the British.

It would be wrong, if, at the time of the occupation of the Japanese, the Indonesians were frontally directed against the Japanese occupation force. It would be a mistake if the nationalist leaders, were at the first place to organizse and mobilize the people to cooperate and support the Allied froces, including the Dutch, oppose and fight
against the Japanese occupation.

Without understanding this, it would be very difficult to understand, why the Indonesians never accept the accusation of the Dutch and the West, against Sukarno and Hatta, that they were 'collaborators' of the Japanese.

It would also be difficult to understand the opinion of Indonesians that during the Japanese occupation, the Indonesian fighters for freedom, undergoing the political education of our 'founding fathers', and the physical training, were, so to say, being prepared to finally fight and seize freedom for ourselves.

Final point:

Now, it is time, it seems, to conclude that, as long as the misundertanding on the Dutch side concerning the period of the Japanese occupation of the Netherlands Indies, especially on the accusations against Bung Karno, Bung Hatta and others, of being 'collaborators', remain unsloved, so long will this issue be a serious obstacle in the good and friendly relations between the two countries.

When this misunderstanding is cleared and the two sides brought to a mutual understanding, the two countries and people, Indonesia and the Netherlands, will hopefully, coexist and cooperate in a new spirit of friendship and harmony.

* * *

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I think it is important for you to know the opinion of a Dutch journalist, Mrs Tjitske Lingsma: after she made a study-visit to the Molouccas, Indonesia, at the time of religious conflict between the Christians and the Moslems in the Moloccus. She wrote a.o :

Everything what I saw call for an answer: who ocherstrated the events here : -- who are the victims, and who are the perpetrators. Thus began my search for the roots of the conflict, that took me back to the far past. I discovered how the VOC – the United East-Indies Companies – under the governor-general, Jan Pieter Zoon Coen, murdered entire population of the islands. .
I discovered how the VOC committed murder in order to establish their monopolty of the spice-trade. To my bewilderment did I hear prime minister Balkenende plead (in the Dutch Parliament) for a return to the mentality of the VOC.

Tjitske Lingsma again:

Those war atrocities were made in the 17th century. Recent history provide us with other tragic example. For instance during the war of subjugation of Aceh (1873-1912) and the 'pacification' of Lombok. Or, just think about captain Raymond Westerling and his Depot Special Troops ( a unit, with many Indonesias) that during the 1946-1947 counter-terror campaign, burned to the ground scores of villages (in South Sulawesi), tortures and killed (according to Ducth estimates) 3.130 villagers. Indonesian sources claimed over 40.000 people villagers killed.

Dutch war-victims always demand the excuses of Japan for their war-crimes during World War II. The same demand as put forward by the German Nazi vistims who are demanding an excuse for Nazi crimes. It is right to acknowledge victims of the two horrible regimes.
“Therefore it is proper for the Dutch government to ask for forgiveness (to Indonesia) for the deeds, not only during three years, but as long as three centuries. This will perhaps not only remove the hard feelings and sufferings within the Indonesian people”, says Tjitske.

This gesture could create a more realistic view among Indonesians towards the Dutch, during their colonial past.

Tjitske is of the opinion, that the Dutch can learn from Germany. Due to the fact that the Dutch has difficulty to make the same gesture for their past mistakes during the colonial period in Indonesia.

Tjitske: “I think it is time to fully recognize 17 August 1945, as the date of Indonesian independence. To take our responsibility and to apologize and show our regret for the victims of violence, killings, tortures and terror, we have committed in Indonesia”.

As an example, Tjitske mentioned Chanchellor Willy Brandt of the Federal Republic of Germany, who kneel before the victims of the Warsaw Ghetto Revolt, or to bow before the Berlin monument for Jewish victims in Europe.

* * *

Ladies and gentlemen,

You may raise this question: Why do I make so many quotations of others. In fact, they are not merely 'others'. Some are members of the directing group of this meeting. Others are historian or journalist who has made serious study of Indonesian past history. But the main reason for me to quote them, is, because they are telling the truth. Also because I share their findings and opinion. And because, to undestand Indonesia and her relation with the past colonial history, people should know this.

Hence I am going to tell you of still another opinion.

A Dutch anthropologist and historian, FRED LANZING, himself an inmate of the internment-camp at Tjideng, Jakarta, during the Japanese occupation, --- wrote a revealing and in the weekly 'Groene Amsterdammer', of August 12, 2010.

He pointedly wrote: “NIET MEER BEDELEN OM EXCUSES”. He meant to say, don't beg anymote for excuses from the Japanese for the disaster and misfortune we suffered during the Japanese occupation of the Netherlands-Indies.

He was commenting on a book of poems, 'Geen Requiem', by a wellknown writer in Holland, MARION BLOEM. Lanzing wrote that the book of Marion Bloem does not contribute to the truth-findings about the war in former Netherlands-Indies. The picture of unbroken sufferings of the inmates of the internment-camp and terror by the Japanese, is not true.

Fred Lanzing:

This year, 65 years ago, is the year that Japan surrendered.
I plea, -- the war in the Netherlands-Indies, the Pacific-War, be sent to retirement (pensioen). It is time for my generation, who themselves have suffered the hurricane of war, to drive it away from our hearts and our heads. That we decide for us, to regard the past-war as a historical happening.

Let us renounce the habit and practice of again and again to recall memories of the pain of the past. It is time for healing, forgetting, for the rest of our soul.

* * *

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I have come to the end of my observation.
I completely share the opinion and good-will of all the personalities whom I have quoted in my speech. It fits well in our endeavour and search for mutual understanding and respect as humanbeings.

Let us turn a new leaf --- of healing and RECONCILIATION!

At the same time never forget --- urging the respective government of Holland, Japan and Indonesia, to be true and honest to the facts of history!


* * *

VOORBURG SPEECH, 09 OCT 2010

EMBARGO - UNTIL 10 OCTOBR 2010.


IBRAHIM ISA
Voorbug, October 9th, 2010
-------------------------------------

A CONTRIBUTION TO THE NETHERLANDS – JAPAN DIALOGUE FOR RECONCILIATION


Ladies and gentlemen,

Let me start my observation, at today's gathering, --- with these words: --- Sincere thanks to Mme Jeanne Ham and Prof Muraoka, who sent me the invitation. I feel honoured to be a participant of this important gathering of reconciliation.

Before outlining my views on the theme of the agenda of this meeting, I would like to make a brief introduction of myself, IBRAHIM ISA, of Indonesian origin, and Dutch citizen since 1989.

* * *

I have dedicated a greater part of my life for the cause of emancipation of the Indonesian nation. And, it is still so, at 80 today. This explain why, after becoming a Dutch citizen, I have accepted the invitation of dr. Coen Holtzappel, Chairman of the Executive Board of Stichting Wertheim, to become member of the Board, as Secretary. The Wertheim Foundation, established 20 years ago on the occasion of Wertheim's 80th birthday – came into being for the sole purpose of making contribution to the struggle of Indonesia for national emancipation.

Allow me to tell you a beautiful event in my personal history in relation to the Netherlands. It is rather 'unique', at the same time remarkable. Sixtyfive years ago, 1945, Indonesia proclaimed her Independence. A war of independence broke out between Indonesia and Holland, which lasted for 4 years. At that time I joined the struggle. I became an active participant to the Indonesian independence-war against the Dutch, who refused to recognize Indonesian independence and started a war of suppression and annihilation against the Republic of Indonesia.

Here comes the 'unique' part of my story. Years later, in 1986, I and my family, came to Holland, a country of a former adversary. For what? I came to request for asylum in Holland. Because of the suppressive regime of General Suharto. Is it not remarkable? How events can develop in such a turn? But in 1989, the Dutch governnment, abiding by the international and European convention to protect politycal refugees from an oppressive regime, -- gave political asylum to me and my family. How thankful I am to the Dutch government!

Arriving in Holland at the end of 1986, as political refugee, I made my mind to do my bit for mutual understanding and mutual respect, for co-operation and mutual benefit for the two nations and countries, Indonesia and the Netherlands. It is not easy because Indonesia and Holland have a COMMON HISTTORY, full of sufferings and still of misunderstanding.

That is when formulated in a diplomatic polite wordings. But to 'tell a spade a spade', we Indonesians were a colonised people and country. While the Dutch were the colonizer. We were the underdog. The Dutch were the masters. We were the one who suffer. The Dutch were the benefectors! This is our past history.

The Pacific-War and the Proclamation of Indonesian Independence, by Sukarno and Moh. Hatta on behalf of the Indonesian people, and the compromise and agreement between Indonesia and Holland in 1949, after 4 years of war of independence, officially solved the problem of Dutch colonialism in Indonesia. It ended the subjugation of Indonesia by the Netherlands. But not completely!

Because there is the problem of West Irian. Papua as it is now called. When we proclaimed our independence in 1945, it is Indonesia from Sabang to Merauké, the former Netherlands-East Indies. But at the time of the compromise between Indonesia and Holland (1949), and the Dutch left Indonesia, the West Irian problem was not solved yet. Because the Dutch refused to leave Papua. This unsolved problem of West Irian, was later settled through the UNO. But the refusal of the Dutch to recognize the day of the Proclamation of the Independence of Indonsia August 17, 1945, as the day of INDONESIAN INDEPENDENCE, remains unsolved until today.


* * *

In the closing-speech of the last meeting, member of the directingroup, Mr Anton Stephan, pointed out that: knowledge of each sides, by telling and listening of each others personal life-history, – is the way to work in finding a way to an understanding of each others, and for reconcialiation.

Another participant of the last meeting, Mr Wim Lindeijer, said in his closing speech: “Without deniying the past, a way to the future should be found, free of hate and rancour, resentment and ill-feelings. It begins with each others' respect as humanbeings, not as enemies, anymore.”

Following the way as pointed by Mr Anton Stepanm and Mr Wim Lindeijer, I think it is proper for me, to tell you here my own story, my personal understanding of the past.

* * *

Ladies and Gentlemen,

We are here to find ways and means to come to a common understanding, on the impact of what has happened with the inmates of the Dutch-internment-camp during the Japanese military occupation of Indonesia. All what happened during the Japanese occupation of Indonesia, especially what has happened with the Dutch people in the internment-camps, occured in Indonesia. Thus, to come to an undersanding of the problem, it should be seen in relation with the historical background of the relations between Holland and Indonesia.

Thus it is in fact a triangle-relation problem, between Indonesia-Holland and Japan.

Therefore, a satisfactory and good solution of this problem to a great extend depend on the correct common-understanding and political will of the authorities, of the government of Japan, Holland and Indonesia.

* * *

I think this is the best way to see the problem of past history relating to the specific relation between the people of Holland, Indonesia and Japan.

This is my own story and understanding of this problem:

On August 07, 1999, I attended a meeting in Amsterdam on the folowing theme: Reflections on Japanese Occupation of Indonesia. In a written statement I put this question:

"What is it that dominates in the
reflection on the Japanese Occupation in the three respective countries,
Indonesia, the Netherlands and Japan?"
 
My brief observation on the subject as mentioned above.
 I )
For more than a half century, perhaps until this minute, opinions
and reflections held by not a view circles in Holland, concerning the
Japanese occupation of the Netherlands-Indies (now the Republic of
Indonesia), were mostly if not all, are -- on the sufferings of the Dutch
people, especially women, children and the elderly, in the many
internment-camp put up by the Japanese Army in Indonesia. This is
understandable.
 
Their reflections and thoughts, perhaps logically, (because of the
fact that they are protagonists of the colonial administration of the
Netherlands-Indies) were not of the conditions of the Indonesian
people. They seldom touch upon the general conditions and situation of
that time, such as:
 
"The policy and the responsibility of the administration of the
Netherlands Indies in Batavia, and the Government of the Kingdom of the
Netherlands in The Hague, at that time, vis a vis the problem of the
Japanese plan to conquer the whole of East Asia, including the Dutch
East Indies. Did the Dutch authorities made serious and enough
preparation on this problem?"
 
Facts and developments show that the Dutch Government pursued an
irresponsible policy towards the people of Indonesia. What really was
in the mind of the Dutch Government was not the wellbeing and
preparedness of the Indonesian people, but the wish to safeguard the
Netherlands-Indies as an appendix of Holland and to maintain Indonesia
as a colony, after the war is over.
 
II).
For the protagonists of the 'status quo' of the Dutch-Indies,
Indonesians who were not fighting against the Japanese occupationists,
worse, those who cooperated with the Japanese, are 'collaborators'.
Esepcially personalities as Sukarno, the late president of the Republic
of Indonesia, Mohammad Hatta, the late Vice Presiden of the RI, and
others, were simple "collaborators".
 
They particularly branded Bung Karno for 'collaboratoring' with 'the
enemy'. They desrcibed Sukarno as another 'Quisling'. They maintained
that Sukarno verify and took part in the mobilization of the 'romusha'
(forced labourers) by the Japanese occupation force, who were compelled
to work for the Japanese war machine. Under the Japanese sponsored
'romusha' project hundreds of many thousands of Indonesian men
have met their death. And Sukarno was blamed for this tragedy.
 
However, this way of seeing things, does not tally with the reality
during the Japanese occupation of Indonesia. This kind of argumentation
could be justified "if' Bung Karno and Bung Hatta were Dutch, serving at
the bureaucracy of the Dutch-Indies Government. If they were Dutch or
serving under the Dutch colonial rule, then it was right to brand them
as 'collaborators'. But, they were not! Moreover, they were against the
Ducth. Together with other freedom fighters of Indonesia, they were
opposing the Dutch colonial authorities and struggle for the independece
of Indonesia.
 
So, Bung Karno, Bung Hatta, and other freedom-fighters, did not, and
will never stand on the same side as the Dutch colonial government and
community in Indonesia. The Indonesians were never (from the viewpoint
of the Dutch) "us", so to say. They were 'inlander' (indigenous people),
i.e.second or third rank citizens of their own country. And we,
Indonesians, never regard the Dutch as "us". In essence the Indonesian
freedom fighters were 'enemies' of the Dutch colonialism. Thus, when
another enemy of the Dutch, the Japanese, came to Indonesia and swept
away the entire Dutch colonial army and adminstration, --- was it strange
that the Indonesians did not take side with the Dutch? Instead, the
Indonesians welcomed the Japanese! In the light of the concrete
conditions at the time, it was an illusion and wishful thinking, to
hope that Indonesians would sympathize with the Dutch and oppose the
arrival of the Japanese army.
 Consider the following points:
 First point:
The attitude of wide circles of Indonesian freedom fighters
and of the general public towards the 'arrival' of the Japanese army was
the following: The Japanese army was seen with admiration as a 'mighty
force of an Asian country, which was able to sweep away the 'strong'
British Army, an European army, (in Malaya amd Singapore), and the Dutch KNIL in no time. Until that time, the 'White Men', rulers of the colonies in Asia,
were regarded as 'superior' in comparison with any coloured Asian
people.
 
I think it is not a mistake to note that the Japanese troops were, more
or less, welcomed by the public, as an Asian power that are superior
than the Westerners. (Intermezo: I have to tell you here, that at that
time I was among the many Indonesians who welcomed the Japanese troops
coming from Banten on their bikes. We believed, wrongly of course, that
the Japanese were better than the Dutch).

Second point:
The policy of "de-Hollandisation" pursued by the Japanese
in Indonesia. At the one hand, Indonesians were obliged to learn
Japanese, but, on the other hand, in one night the Dutch language, the
official langguage of the Dutch-Indies, spoken only by the rulers, the
highranking bureaucracy and the elites of Indonesia, was replaced by the
Bahasa Indonesia.. The names of all roads, boulevards, streets and ways,
shops, offices, schools, buildings, monuments and textbooks down from
the basic school up to the university, that beforehand were in the Dutch
language, were changed - or translated- into the Indonesian language:
the bahasa. One can not overlook the feelings of joy and pride of the
Indonesians being 'their own'. It was this emotion that dominates the
political atmosphere. Of course that was, before Indonesians later knew
by their own experience that the Japanese were simply new overlords,
who in many cases were even worse than the colonial Hollanders.
 
The third point:
In pursuing their Pacific-War efforts, the Japanese trained hundreds of thousands of Indonesian youth in military excercise and discipline. The Japanese were making Indonesians 'cannon fodders' for their war against the Allied. Strange enough, the arrival of the Japanese, to a great extent have sore up the natinalistic and patriotic feelings of most Indonesians. Especially the Japanese military training the Indonesians were going through, resulted in such an atmosphere. Starting from the higher classes of basic schools up to the higher learning, the youth and students were obliged to pass through military training. Apart from this, members of Japanese formed Indonesian youth organizations such as the 'Three A Youth Movement' (AAA), the 'Seinendan' and the 'Keibodan' got military training too. This kind of situation can not even be dreamed about by Indonesian under Dutch rule.The Netherlands-Indies authorities were afraid to arm Indonesians for the purpose of opposing Japanese invasion. The Dutch were afraid that, some time in the future, who knows, the Indonesians will turn their guns (provided by the Dutch) against the Dutch themselves. What the Dutch agreed upon was the rearming of the KNIL (a professional colonial army who were trained to suppress the people) and the training of a handful of 'Stadswacht' soldiers, who were poorly armed to 'defend' the big cities against the Japanese invasion..
 
The Nationalist leaders such as Bung Karno and Hatta, managed to get concessions from the Japanese authorities, that Indonesian youth who were recruted in a regular army, be organized into two types of armies. One type: the 'Heiho', officially a Japanese-army. They were directly commanded by Japanese officers, and will be sent at any place needed by the Japanese. The second type: called the 'PETA'.(Pembela Tanah Air, meaning Defenders of the Motherland) an Indonesian army, still under the Japanese high command. But, from the batallion level down, commanded by Indonesian officers. The 'Heiho', directly under the Japanese command, were to fight against the Allied. The 'PETA', will be stationed in the home-country, to defend the motherland. This was an important compromise between the Japanese and the Indonesian nationalist leaders. Most important for the Indonesian leaders were the fact that a good number of Indonesian youth receive militry training and armed. This was a very important preparation in anticipation of the coming situation, in which the Pacific-War will end with the defeat of the Japanese.
 
As developments confirm, the initial Indonesian armed forces at the beginning of the 'August 1945 Revolution', consisted mainly of the youth who during the Japanese occupation received military training by the Japanese, in different youth organization and educational institution, as well as in the regular army of 'Heiho' and 'PETA'.
Eventhough the new Indonesian armed forces were mainly trained by the Japanese , and to a certain extend influenced by militaristic ideas, they were, however, remoulded politically during the 'August National Revolution', and have become the new defender of the Republic of Indonesia. Even during the Japanese occupation they got political education by Bung Karno and Bung Hatta, in preparation for the day of independece which was to come.
 
Fourth point:
Immediately after the arrival of the Japanese army in Indonesia, as told by the late Subadio Sastrosatomo, former leader of the Indonesian Socialist Party and MP, in his booklet "Sukarno is Indonesia, and Indonesia is Sukarno" (1995), Bung Karno, Bung Hatta and Sutan Syahrir had a secret meeting to formulate tactics vis a vis the Japanese. Sutan Syahrir and some of his friends, incl. Subadio, and others were not
ready to cooperate with the Japanese, they prefer to work underground. Bung Karno and Bung Hatta, and others, chose the tactics of 'cooperation' with the Japanese. Bung Karno and Bung Hatta, deligently making use of the opportunity and facilities given by the Japanese, have politically educated the people, especially the youth, by so doing have successfully trained them as freedom fighters. One cannot see a
month pass by without seeing or listening to the political speeches by Bung Karno in public meetings throughout the country.
 
The political speeches were also made before the young people of the PETA. Through their work in politically educating the people, Bung Karno and Bung Hatta, were recognized as leaders of Indonesia by the people.Thus Subadio.
 
What Bung Karno and Bung Hatta were doing was the difficult work of
'nation-building' of Indonesia.
 
Fifth point, The political, mental and physical preparation done by the Indonesian leaders under the Japanese occupation, , were finally to become the fundamental and final conditions, for Indonesia to be able to proclaim their independence in August 1945.
 
It was also the coordination between the open, legal work with the underground work of our founding-fathers that has made the proclamation of the independence of Indonesia possible.
 
Our leaders have made a delligent use of the existing contradiction between the occupying Japanese army and the Allied troops, and the contradictions that exist between the Ducth and the Japanese, as well as the contradictions among all those forces: the Dutch, the Japanese, and the British.
 
It would be wrong, if, at the time of the occupation of the Japanese, the Indonesians were frontally directed against the Japanese occupation force. It would be a mistake if the nationalist leaders, were at the first place to organizse and mobilize the people to cooperate and support the Allied froces, including the Dutch, oppose and fight
against the Japanese occupation.
 
Without understanding this, it would be very difficult to understand, why the Indonesians never accept the accusation of the Dutch and the West, against Sukarno and Hatta, that they were 'collaborators' of the Japanese.
 
It would also be difficult to understand the opinion of Indonesians that during the Japanese occupation, the Indonesian fighters for freedom, undergoing the political education of our 'founding fathers', and the physical training, were, so to say, being prepared to finally fight and seize freedom for ourselves.
 
Final point:
Now, it is time, it seems, to conclude that, as long as the misundertanding on the Dutch side concerning the period of the Japanese occupation of the Netherlands Indies, especially on the accusations against Bung Karno, Bung Hatta and others, of being 'collaborators', remain unsloved, so long will this issue be a serious obstacle in the good and friendly relations between the two countries.
 
When this misunderstanding is cleared and the two sides brought to a mutual understanding, the two countries and people, Indonesia and the Netherlands, will hopefully, coexist and cooperate in a new spirit of friendship and harmony.

* * *
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I think it is important for you to know the opinion of a Dutch journalist, Mrs Tjitske Lingsma: after paying a study-visit to the Molouccas, Indonesia, at the time of religious conflict between the Christians and the Moslems in the Moloccus. She wrote a.o :
Everything what I saw call for an answer: who ocherstrated the events here : -- who are the victims, and who are the perpetrators. Thus began my search for the roots of the conflict, that took me back to the far past. I discovered how the VOC – the United East-Indies Companies – under the governor-general, Jan Pieter Zoon Coen, has murdered entire population of the islands. .
I discovered how the VOC committed murder in order to seize the monopolty of the spice-trade. To my bewilderment did I hear prime minister Balkenende plead (in the Dutch Parliament) for a return to the mentality of the VOC.

Lingsma again:
Those war atrocities were made in the 17th century. Recent history provide ys with other tragic example. For instance during the war of subjugation of Aceh (1873-1912 and the 'pacification' of Lombok. Ot just think about captain Raymond Westerling and his Depot Special Troops ( a unit, with many Indonesias) that during the 1946-1947 counter-terror campaign, burned to the ground scores of villages, tortures and killed (according to Ducth estimates) 3.130 villagers. Indonesian sources claimed over 40.000 people villagers killed.
Dutch war-victims always demand the excuses of Japan for their war-crimes during World War II. The same demand as put forward by the German Nazi vistims who are demanding an excuse for their crimes. It is right to acknowlede victims of the two horrible.
“Therefore it is proper for the Dutch government to ask for an forgiveness for their deeds, not only during three years, but as long asl three centuries. This will perhaps not only remove the hard feelings and sufferings within the Indonesian people”, says Tjitske.

This gesture could create a more realistic view among Indonesians towards the Dutch, during their colonial past.

Tjiske are of the opinion, the the Dutch can learn from Germany. Due to the fact that the Dutch has difficulty to make the same gesture for their past mistakes during the colonial period in Indonesia.

Tjitske: “I think it is time to fully recognize 17 August 1945, as the date of Indonesian independence. To take our responsibility and to apologize an show our regret for the victims of violence, killings, tortures and terror, we have committed in Indonesia”.

As an example, Tjitske menioned Chanchellor Willy Brandts of the Federal Republic of Germany who kneel before the victims of the Warsaw Ghetto Revolt, or to bow before the Berlin monument for Jewish victims in Europe.

* * *

Ladies and gentlemen,

You may raise the question why do I make in my speech, so to say, many quotatins of others. They are actually not merely 'others'. They are historians, journalists who has made a study of Indonesia past. But the main reason I quote them, because they are saying the truth. Because I share their findings and opinion. And because, to undestand Indonesia and her relation with the past colonial history, people should know this.

Hence I am going to tell you of still another opinion.

A Dutch anthropologist and historian, FRED LANZING, himself an inmate of the internment-camp at Tjideng, Jakarta, during the Japanese occupation, wrote a revealing and in the weekly 'Groene Amsterdammer', of August 12, 2010. He pointely wrote: “NIET MEER BEDELEN OM EXCUSES”. He meant to say, don't beg anymote for excuses from the Japanese for the disaster and misfortune we suffered during the Japanese occuation of the Nedherlands-Indies.

He was commenting on a book of poems written by a wellknown writer in Holland, MARION BLOEM. Lanzing wrote that the book of Main Bloem does not contribute to the truth-findings about the war in former Netherlands-Indies.
The picture of unbroken sufferings of the inmates of the internment-camp and terror by the Japanese, is not true.

Lanzing: This year, 65 years ago, is the year that Japan surrendered. I plea the war in the Netherlands-Indies, the Pacific-War, be sent to pension. It is time for my generation, who themselves have suvered the hurricane of war, to drive away from our hearts and our heads. That we decide for us to regard the past-war as a histsorical happening. Let us renounce of again and again recall memories of the pain of the past. It is time for healing, forgetting, rest of soul.

* * *

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I have come to the end of my observation.
I completely share the opinion and good-will of all the personalities whom I have quoted in my speech.

Let us begin a new leaf of healing and RECOLCILIATION!

At the same time urging the respective government of Holland, Japan and Indonesia, to be true and honest to the facts of history!

* * *

PIDATO PADA PERINGATAN PERISTIWA 65

------------------------------
EMBARGO - S/D 02 OKTOBER 2010
------------------------------



IBRAHIM ISA

Diemen, Sabtu 02 Oktober 2010

------------------------------



MENGENANGKAN KORBAN PEMBANTAIAN MASAL 1965-66-67,
Oleh Jendral Suharto dan Pendukungnya.




Hadirin Yang Terhormat,


Setiap tahun kita mengenangkan dan memperingati, apa yang a.l populer dikenal sebagai 'Peristiwa Tragedi Nasional 1965'. Biasanya tanggal yang diambil sebagai patokan adalah 30 September 1965. Presiden Sukarno mencatat dan menyebut peristiwa tsb, sebagi Gestok, Gerakan Satu Oktober. Peristiwa itu terjadinya memang pada tanggal 1 Oktober 1965. Bagi para korban peristiwa yang kemudian juga populer disebut peristiwa 'Pembantaian Masal 1965', -- yang diperingati adalah detik-detik ketika Jendral Suharto, panglima Kostrad, setelah mengalahkan G30S, secara kongkrit mengambil-alih di tangannya sendiri kekuasaan militer di Jakarta. Yaitu pada siang hari tanggal 1 Oktober 1965.


Pada tanggal 3 Oktober 1965, saya tiba di lapangan terbang Kemayoran, setelah menanti selama dua hari di Bangkok, -- untuk meneruskan pekerjaan kongkrit penyelenggaraan konferensi internasional, KIAPMA, yaitu suatu Konferensi Internasional Anti Pangkalan-pangkalan Militer Asing, yang aka dilangsungkan di Jakarta. Ketika itu, samasekali belum ada pembunuhan masal. Yang terjadi adalah demo-demo preman yang didalangi militer. Mereka membakar gedung-gedung kantor CC PKI, Sobsi, serta mengobrak-abrik dan menguasai rumah-rumah banyak tokoh-toko Kiri atau PKI, seperti Pramudya (Lekra), Nyoto (Menteri Negara RI, Wakil Ketua II CC PKI, dan salah seorang pemimpin Lekra), dll. Jadi, belum ada pembunuhan masal terhadap orang-orang PKI, Kiri dan pendukung Presiden Sukarno.


Setahu dan seingat saya kampanye pengejaran dan pembunuhan terhadap orang-orang Kiri dimulai pada minggu ketiga Oktober. Secara besar-besaran itu dimulai setelah Jendral Suharto mengirimkan kesatuan-kesatuan Kostradnya ke Jawa Tengah, Jatim dan Bali.


Selanjutnya terserah pada para korban, pada masyarakat termasuk pakar sejarah, untuk menentukan sejak tanggal berapa terjadinya pembantaian masal terhadap warganegara tak bersalah dimulai oleh Jendral Suharto. Yang jelas pada tanggal 1 Oktober bahkan sampai minggu pertama Oktober 1965, hal itu belum terjadi.


* * *


Kenyataannya, setiap tahun 'Peristiwa 1965' diperingati. Terutama untuk mengenangkan para korban yang jatuh. Yang lebih penting lagi, ialah dalam rangka perjuangan menuntut keadilan, demokrasi dan HAM. Jumlah korban yang jatuh dalam kampanye persekusi militer di bawah Jendral Suharto, berkisar antara setengah juta sampai tiga juta orang. Yang jelas korban tsb adalah yang paling besar, yang terjadi dalam suatu kampanye persekutsi penguasa yang paling biadab terhadap warganegara yang tak bersalah.


Rezim Orba, dengan Jendral Suharto sebagai presidennya, adalah yang bertanggung-jawab atas pembantaian masal yang paling biadab terhadap warganegara sendiri yang setia pada Presiden Sukarno dan Republik Indonesia.


Sekarang, sudah lebih 10 tahun berlalu, sejak rezim Orba resminya ditumbangkan oleh prahara Gerakan Reformasi.


* * *


Sejak jatuhnya Presiden Suharto, kita sudah mengalami empat kali pergantian Presdien. Suharto digantikan wakilnya Habibie. Kemudian naik Gusdur melalui pemilu pertama sesudah jatuhnya Orba. Setelah Gus Dur dijatuhkan lewat suatu permainan politik pat-pat-gulipat, naik Presiden Megawati. Dalam pemilihan presiden yang langsung dalam suatu pemilu, naik SBY. Pilpres ke dua SBY lagi yang jadi Presiden. Sampai sakarang.


Namun, kasus 'Peristiwa 1965', yang merupakan pelanggaran hak-hak manusia yang tak ada bandingnya dalam sejarah modern Indonesia -- dimana demikian banyaknya warga tak bersalah, tanpa proses hukum apapun, telah dibantai oleh suatu kekuasaan militer, --- kasus ini, SAMASEKALI BELUM DIJAMAH. Baik oleh Habibie, Abdurrahman Wahid, Megawati, SBY, dan sekali lagi SBY.


Puluhan buku hasil studi serius, ratusan bahkan ribuan tulisan lainnya telah tersiar mengenai kasus Peristiwa 65. Komnasham sudah bertahun-tahun berdiri. Namun, satu kali sajapun, tak pernah lembaga pengadilan Indonesia mempersoalkan sampai tuntas kasus korban-korban yang jatuh dalam Peristiwa 1965. Dianggapn apa yang terjadi dalam peristiwa tsb, --- adalah masaalah 'masa lampau'.


Sikap demikian itu, bukanlah disebabkan karena lembaga peradilan Indonesia tidak peka terhadap Peristiwa 1965. Bukanlah karena Habibie, Abdurrahman Wahid, Megawati dan SBY --- samasekali tidak tahu-menahu mengenai kasus sejarah Indonesia yang paling gawat dan dahsyat itu.


Sikap tutup-mata, tutup telinga, serta tutup mulut terhadap kasus 1965 -- bukanlah sesuatu yang kebetulan. Mereka-mereka itu faham betul, bahwa mempersoalkan MASALAH PERISTIWA 1965, -- akan menyangkut keabsahan kekuasaan mereka-mereka yang berkuasa sekarang ini. Yang akhirnya akan mempertanyakan, mempersoalkan dan kemudian menggugat kehadiran mereka yang sekarang ada di puncak kekuasaan pemerintahan, legeslatif dan yudikatif.


Bukankah bisanya mereka-mereka itu duduk di tampuk kekuasaan, berkat digulingkannya Presiden Sukarno dalam suatu kup merangkak yang diregisir bersama oleh kekuatan dalam dan luar? Bukankah kedudukan mereka itu adalah kelanjutan wajar dari pembantaian terhadap kekuatan Kiri? Khususnya terhadap PKI dan pendukung Presiden Sukarno? Menjadi jelaslah, bahwa mereka-mereka itu bisa berkuasa sampai sekarang ini, sesungguhnya bisa berlangsung dengan mengalirnya darah begitu banyak korban warganegara tak bersalah.


Akhirnya sampai kita pada fikiran demikian ini -- Tidakkah benar analisa yang menyimpulkan bahw pembantaian masal itu, bagi mereka yang kuasa itu adalah sutu keharusan yang mereka mesti lakukan dan benarkan, -- untuk bisanya mereka menjadi penguasa Indonesia tanpa oposisi, tanpa kontrole dan tanpa perlawanan siapapun? Untuk menjamin bantuan militer dan modal asing yang demi strategi perang dinginnya sudah sejak akhir Perang Dunia II, menetapkan keharusan memusnahkan kekuatan Komunis dan Kiri dimanapun itu berada. Apakah itu di Indonesia atau di Chili!


Membungkam terlebih dulu -- sebagai syarat untuk bisa berkuasa dan terus berkuasa!


* * *


Mengingat kekuasaan pemerintahan yang bediri sesudah tumbangnya Suharto, itu adalah kelanjutan rezim Orba, -- adalah kelanjutan suatu rezim yang ditegakkan di atas tumpukan mayat jutaan korban yang dibantai ketika militer di bawah Jendral Suharto menggulingkan pemerintahan Presiden Sukarno, -- wajarlah timbulnya kesimpulan berikut ini:


Bahwa kebenaran tidak akan terungkap, keadilan menyangkut korban Peristiwa 1965 tak mungkin akan terrealisasi. Tidak mungkin para korban 1965 akan memperoleh kebenaran, keadilan serta rehabilitasi nama baik, serta hak-hak politik dan kewarganegaraannya, selama rezim Indonesia merupakan kelanjutan dari rezim Orba dengan perubahan disana-sini.


* * *


Maka muncullah kesimpulan:


HARUS ADA PROSES PATAH ARANG TOTAL DENGAN KEKUASAAN ORBA.


Harus ada perombakan total atas lembaga-lembaga hukum Indonesia yang sekarang ini. Yang lebih dikenal sebagai sarang mafia hukum. Harus ada perombakan total atas lembaga legeslatif yang tak tahu diri sekarang ini. Harus ada perombakan total pada aparat kekuasaan bersenjata negara yang seharusnya melindungi rakyat dan negeri.


Dan memang, berbagai kegiatan di Indonesia oleh pelbagai kekuatan pro-demokrasi dan hak-azasi manusia, selangkah demi selangkah akhirnya menuju dan akan tiba pada titik PEROMBAKAN TOTAL yang diharapkan itu.


* * *


Oleh karena itu, meskipun 45 tahun sudah berlalu; --- dan perubahan berarti belum terjadi dalam hubungan dengan keadilan bagi para korban Peristiwa 1965 dan korban pelanggaran HAM lainnya, --- adalah tepat sikap bahwa, kegiatan dalam rangka mengungkap kebenaran dan menuntut keadilan sekitar Peristiwa 1965, TIDAK BOLEH BERHENTI! Sejenakpun tak boleh kendur kegiatan menuntut keadilan dan kebenaran sekitar Peristiwa 1965.


Selanjutnya, pada saat kebenaran dan keadilan benar-benar dicapai oleh para korban Peristiwa 1965 dan rakyat umumnya, -- pun pada saat itu dan selanjutnya, kegiatan-kegiatan mengungkap dan mengekspos pelanggaran HAM oleh penguasa, tidak boleh berhenti.


Demikian pula halnya dengan Peringatan Peristiwa 1965, itu akan tetap berlangsung terus!

Karena hal itu merupakan bagian penting dalam rangka peningkatan kesadaran bernegara hukum Indonesia.



Terima kasih!



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Friday, September 10, 2010

SELAMAT LEBARAN MOHON MAAF LAHIR BATHIN

IBRAHIM ISA – Berbagi Cerita
Hari Lebaran, 10 September 2010
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MENGALAHKAN PROVOKATOR RELIGI TERRY JONES!

SELAMAT HARI-RAYA IDUL FITRI – MAAF LAHIR BATHIN
SEMOGA KITA DIBERKAHI OLEH TUHAN Y.M.E – AMIEN

* * *

Lewat sedikit tengah malam memasuki tanggal 10 September, aku menilpun keluarga di Jakarta. Khusus untuk menyampaikan SELAMAT LEBARAN, dan mohon maaf lahir bathin. Alangkah bahagianya kami bisa bicara lewat tilpun dengan sanak keluarga pada hari yang dimulyakan oleh ummat Islam ini. Teristimewa kakakku perempuan (84th) yang tinggal di Jalan Kembang, Kwitang, bersama putra dan menantu serta cucunya.

Kakakku Rukayah itu, aku selalu teringat dan wajahnya sering terbayang. Soalnya ketika masih sekolah di kelas 0 dulu, kakakku itu adalah yang langsung menyiapkan aku berangkat sekolah. Berpakaian dan sampai memakaikan sepatu. Sungguh, nostalgi! Maka ketika kami bisa bicara lewat tilpun pada hari Lebaran ini, alangkah bahagia rasanya.

Tidak bisa tidak juga terkenang kembali abangku Abdullah, ketika masa kecilku di Jakarta dulu. Setiap 'Malam Takbiran', abangku bersama istrinya Zubaidah, sengaja datang dari rumah mereka di Jalan Ketapang, Kwitang, menjenguk Ayah dan Ibu. Dan . . . . selalu membawakan hadiah mercon aneka ragam untukku. Tidak permah sekalipun berlalu kebiasaannya membelikan aku mercon untuk dipasang pada 'Malam Takbiran'. Bayangkan betapa gembira dan bangganya bisa masang mercon pada 'Malam Takbiran'.


* * *

Itu dulu! Sedikit sebagai pemula tulisan pada hari Lebaran ini.
Sesungguhnya yang memenuhi fikiran, dan juga memenuhi media mancanegara, hari-hari ini, adalah ulahnya seorang pastor Katolik bernama Terry Jones dari negara-bagian Florida, AS. Terry Jones BIKIN KEJUTAN. Pastor yang 'tidak waras' dari 'Dove World Outreach Center' tsb berencana akan MEMBAKAR KITAB SUCI ALQURAN, di halaman gerejanya, pas pada hari 'Nine Eleven' (9/11). Katanya untuk 'memperingati' serangan teroris pada tanggal 9 September 2010. Sembilan tahun yang lalu 'Twin Towers' dari 'World Trade Center' di ujung Selatan Manhatan, habis musnah diledakkan oleh teroris asal Timur Tengah. Kaum teroris yang berjumlah 19 orang itu beroperasi dengan menggunakan dalih demi Islam yang katanya dianutnya.

Jutawan Osama bin Laden asal Saudi Arabia, pemimpin organisasi teroris 'Al Qaida', dianggap bertanggung jawab atas serangan teroris tsb. Korban yang jatuh di kalangan warga AS termasuk dari Barisan Pemadam Api dan yang hilang, -- tercatat 2998 orang. Ini adalah serangan teroris terbesar yang terjadi di Amerika Serikat dengan menggunakan alasan keagamaan. Sejak itu di AS berkecamuk suasana anti-Islam yang kuat sekali.

Terry Jones, menuduh Islam dan hukum syariah bertanggung jawab atas aksi terorisme pada 11 September 2001. Penganut Islam di AS yang berjumlah kira-kira 9 juta orang, dianggap mengandung potensi bahaya terorisme terhadap negeri dan warga AS. Situasi ini digunakan betul oleh golongan konservatif Kristen yang memang sudah sejak dulu anti agama apapun yang bukan Kristen. Tapi, catat dan jangan lupakan --- mereka itu adalah minoritas yang memang sejak dulu bersuara vokal menghasut dan memancing konflik kekerasan.

Pastor Terry Jones, adalah salah seorang dari mereka-mereka itu. Reaksi keras mengeritik dan mengutuk rencananya, akhirnya menyebabkan Terry Jones 'mundur'. Ia berjanji tidak akan meneruskan niatnya membakar Alquran. Namun, belakangan pastor Terry Jones berubah lagi. Katanya, ia tokh mau meneruska niatnya itu.

* * *

Adalah melegakan bahwa reaksi di Indonesia maupun di dunia internasional tegas mengeritik dan mengutuk rencana pembakaran Alquran oleh pastor Terry Jones itu sebagai suatu tindakan PROVOKATIF. Provokasi pastor Terry Jones diantisipasi akan mengobarkan dan mempertajam lebih lanjut, friksi dan konflik dimana-mana terhadap golongan yang beragama Islam. Di lain fihak juga akan memancing 'tindak balas' dari golongan Islam radikal. Yang semua itu tidak terelakkan akan berupa konflik kekerasan, yang akan mensabot dan menyulitkan kaum Islam moderat, liberal --- yang merupakan mayoritas kaum Muslim didunia. Selama ini mereka itu dengan susah-payah berusaha sekuat tenaga untuk membina jembatan saling-mengerti diantara kedua umat. Memperkokoh semangat toleransi dan berkoeksistensi sebagai sesama umat beragama.

Indonesia mennnjukkan sikap toleransi dan dewasa. Sejumlah tokoh pluralis dan organisasi di Indonesia, seperti Ketua Mohammadiah Din Syamsudin, Presiden SBY (beliau khusus menyuruti Presiden Obama) yang kesemuanya menyuarakan protes keras terhadap rencana Terry Jones, sekaligus menganjurkan masyarakat agar jangan sampai TERPROVOKASI. Demikian pula halnya suara Rohaniawan Katolik Romo Frans Magnis Suseno.

Gerakan Peduli Pluralisme menyerukan agar umat manusia, termasuk umat beragama di Indonesia, tak terjebak dalam perbuatan-perbuatan anarki seperti ini yang justru tidak memperlihatkan sikap keadaban. Seruan Gerakan Peduli Pluralisme diukung oleh antara lain, PGI, Parisadha Hindu Dharma Indonesia, Majelis Tinggi Agama Konghucu Indonesia, Ma'arif Institute, Moderate Muslim Society, Forum Kerukunan Antarumat Beragama, Masyarakat Dialog Antaragama, Pengurus Pusat Gerakan Mahasiswa Kristen Indonesia, dan Forum Lintas Agama.

Di manca negara mulai dari Vatikan sampai pemimpin-pemimpin poliitk kenegaraan Afrika, juga bintang film Hollywood piawai Angelina Jolie tak ketinggalan menyatakan protes keras terhadap rencana pastor Terry Jones tsb.

Yang turut membuat menguatnya suasana pluralis adalah sikap Persekutuan Gereja Indonesia (PGI) dan Konferensi Waligereja Indonesia (KWI), yang memutuskan untuk menyumbangkan 100 Kitab Alquran kepada PP Muhammadiyah, sebagai simbol perjuangan melawan Hari Pembakaran Alquran

Kiranya tak ada recana aksi yang lebih provokatif, berbahaya dan lebih 'kepala batu' terbanding rencana pastor Terry Jones dari Florida, AS, untuk mengadakan pembakaran Kitab Suci Alquran, pas pada hari-hari Idul Fitri. Hari yang oleh ummat Islam adalah hari raya menutup Puasa Ramdhan, bersilaturahmi, saling memaafkan dalam suasana damai dan harmonis. Tak terbayangkan ada orang yang sampai begitu rendah dan tak beradab, --- justri melakukan pembakaran Kitab Alquran pada hari yang dimulyakan oleh Ummat Islam.

Semoga untuk seterusnya bangsa kita terjauhi dari tindakan-tindakan provokatif
yang memancing konflik kekerasan antar agama. Umat Islam yang hari-hari ini dengan khidmat dan bahagia merayakan Hari Raya Idul Fitri akan lebih dalam lagi mengkhayati makna prinsip Bhinneke Tunggal Ikka sebagai dasar sikap toleransi dan pluralis bangsa kita. * * *

Monday, September 6, 2010

My Reflections on Japanese Ociupation

IBRAHIM ISA

Amsterdam, 1999

-----------------------


MY REFLECTIONS ON JAPANESE OCCUPATION OF INDONESIA

* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *


Contribution to the Pannel Discussion,

Conference on Reflections of Japanese Occupation of Indonesia


Amsterdam, 7 August 1999.


Subject of pannel discussion: "What is it that dominates in the

reflection on the Japanese Occupation in the three respective countries,

Indonesia, the Netherlands and Japan?"


Respectable Mrs/Miss/Mr Chairperson and moderator,

Considering the time limit, I would like to make a brief observation on

the subject as mentioned above.


I >

For more than a half century, perhaps until this minute, opinions

and reflections held by not a view circles in Holland, concerning the

Japanese occupation of the Netherlands Indies (now the Republic of

Indonesia), were mostly if not all, on the sufferings of the Dutch

people, especially women, children and the elderly, in the many

internment camp put up by the Japanese Army in Indonesia. This is

understandable.


Their reflections and thoughts, perhaps logically ,( because of the

fact that they are protagonists of the colonial administration of the

Netherlands Indies.) were not of the conditions of the Indonesian

people. They seldom touch upon the general conditions and situation of

that time, such as:


"The policy and the responsibility of the administration of the

Netherlands Indies in Batavia, and the Government of the Kingdom of the

Netherlands in The Hague, at that time, vis a vis the problem of the

Japanese plan to conquer the whole of East Asia, including the Dutch

East Indies" "Did the Dutch authorities made serious and enough

preparation on this problem?"


Facts and developments show that the Dutch Government pursued an

irresponsible policy towards the people of Indonesia. What really was

in the mind of the Dutch Government was not the wellbeing and

preparedness of the Indonesian people, but the wish to safeguard the

Netherlands Indies as an appendix of Holland and to maintain Indonesia

as a colony, after the war is over.


II>.

For the protagonists of the 'status quo' of the Dutch Indies,

Indonesians who were not fighting against the Japanese occupationists,

worse, those who cooperated with the Japanese, are 'collaborators'.

Esepcially personalities as Sukarno, the late president of the Republic

of Indonesia, Mohammad Hatta, the late Vice Presiden of the RI, and

others, were simple "collaborators".


They particularly branded Bung Karno for 'collaboratoring' with 'the

enemy'. They desrcibed Sukarno as another 'Quisling'. They maintained

that Sukarno verify and took part in the mobilization of the 'romusha'

(forced labourers) by the Japanese occupation force, who were compelled

to work for the Japanese war machine. Under the Japanese sponsored

'romusha' project hundreds of thousands, even millions of Indonesian men

have met their death.And Sukarno was blamed for this tragedy.


However, this way of seeing things, does not tally with the reality

during the Japanese occupation of Indonesia. This kind of argumentation

could be justified "if' Bung Karno and Bung Hatta were Dutch, serving at

the bureaucracy of the Dutch Indies Government. If they were Dutch or

serving under the Dutch colonial rule, then it was right to brand them

as 'collaborators'. But, they were not! Moreover, they were against the

Ducth. Together with other freedom fighters of Indonesia, they were

opposing the Dutch colonial authorities and struggle for the independece

of Indonesia.


So, Bung Karno, Bung Hatta, and other freedom-fighters, did not, and

will never stand on the same side as the Dutch colonial government and

community in Indonesia. The Indonesians were never (from the viewpoint

of the Dutch) "us", so to say. They were 'inlander' (indegenous people),

i.e.second or third rank citizens of their own country. And we,

Indonesians, never regard the Dutch as "us". In essence the Indonesian

freedom fighters were 'enemies' of the Dutch colonialism. Thus, when

another enemy of the Dutch, the Japanese, came to Indonesia and swept

away the entire Dutch colonial army and adminstration, was it strange

that the Indonesians did not side with the Dutch? Instead, the

Indonesians welcome the Japanese!. In the light of the concrete

conditions at the time, it was an illusion and wishful thinking , to

hope that Indonesians would sympathize with the Dutch and oppose the

arrival of the Japanese army.


Consider the following points:


First point,

The attitude of wide circles of Indonesian freedom fighters

and of the general public towards the 'arrival' of the Japanese army was

the following: The Japanese army was seen with admiration as a 'mighty

force of an Asian country, which was able to sweep away the 'strong'

British Army, a European army, (in Malaya), and the Dutch KNIL in no

time. Until that time the 'White Men', rulers of the colonies in Asia,

were regarded as 'superior' in comparison with any coloured Asian

people.


I think it is not a mistake to note that the Japanese troops were, more

or less, welcomed by the public, as an Asian power that are superior

than the Westerners. ( Intermezo: I have to tell you here, that at that

time I was among the many Indonesians who welcomed the Japanese troops

coming from Banten on their bikes. We believed, wrongly of course, that

the Japanese were better than the Dutch).


Second point,

The policy of "de-Hollandisation" pursued by the Japanese

in Indonesia. At the one hand, Indonesians were obliged to learn

Japanese, but, on the other hand, in one night the Dutch language, the

official langguage of the Dutch Indies, spoken only by the rulers, the

highranking bureaucracy and the elites of Indonesia, was replaced by the

Bahasa Indonesia.. The names of all roads, boulevards, streets and ways,

shops, offices, schools, buildings, monuments and textbooks down from

the basic school up to the university, that beforehand were in the Dutch

language, were changed - or translated- into the Indonesian language:

the bahasa. One can not overlook the feelings of joy and pride of the

Indonesians being 'their own'. It was this emotion that dominates the

political atmosphere. Of course that was, before Indonesians later knew

by their own experience that the Japanese were simply new overlords,

who in many cases were even worse than the colonial Hollanders.


The third point,

In pursuing their Pacific-War efforts, the Japanese trained hundreds of thousands of Indonesian youth in military excercise and discipline. The Japanese were making Indonesians cannon fodders for their war against the Allied. Strange enough, the arrival of the Japanese, to a great extent have sore up the natinalistic and patriotic

feelings of most Indonesians.. Especially the Japanese military training the Indonesians were going through ,resulted in such an atmosphere. Starting from the higher classes of basic schools up to the higher learning, the youth and students were obliged to pass through military training. Apart from this, members of Japanese formed Indonesian youth organizations such as the Three A Youth Movement, the Seinendan and the 'Keibodan' got military training too. This kind of situation can not even be dreamed about by Indonesian under the Duthc rule.The Netherlands

Indies authorities were afraid to arm Indonesians for the purpose of opposing Japanese invasion. The Dutch were afraid that, some time in the future, who knows, the Indonesians will turn their guns (provided by the Dutch) against the Dutch themselves. What the Dutch agreed upon was the rearming of the KNIL (a professional colonial army who were trained to suppress the people) and the training of a handful of 'Stadswacht' soldiers, who were poorly armed to 'defend' the big cities against the Japanese invasion..


The Nationalist leaders such as Bung Karno and Hatta, managed to get concessions from the Japanese authorities, that Indonesian youth who were recruted in a regular army, be organized into two types of armies. One type: the Heiho, officially a Japanese-army. They were directly commanded by Japanese officers, and will be sent at any place needed by the Japanese. The second type: called the PETA.(Pembela Tanah Air, meaning Defenders of the Motherland) an Indonesian army, still under

the Japanese high command, but from the batallion level down, was to be

commanded by Indonesian officers. The Heiho, directly under the Japanese command, were to fight against the Allied. The PETA, will be stationed in the homecountry, to defend the motherland. This was an important compromise between the Japanese and the Indonesian nationalist leaders. Most important for the Indonesian leaders were the fact that a good number of Indonesian youth receive militry training and armed. This was a very important preparation in anticipation of the coming situation, in which the Pacific War will end with the defeat of

the Japanese.


As developments confirm, the initial Indonesian armed forces at the beginning of the August 1945 Revolution, consisted mainly of the youth who during the Japanese occupation received military training by the Japanese, in different youth organization and educational institution, as well as in the regular army of Heiho and PETA.

Eventhough the new Indonesian armed forces were mainly trained by the Japanese , and to a certain extend influenced by militaristic ideas, they were, however, remoulded politically during the August Nantional Revolution, and have become the new defender of the Republic of Indonesia.Even during the Japanese occupation they got political education by Bung Karno and Bung Hatta, in preparation for the day of

independece which was to come.


Fourth point:

Immediately after the arrival of the Japanese army in Indonesia, as told by the late Subadio Sastrosatomo, former leader of the Indonesian Socialist Party and MP, in his booklet "Sukarno is Indonesia, and Indonesia is Sukarno" (1995), Bung Karno, Bung Hatta and Sutan Syahrir had a secret meeting to formulate tactics vis a vis the Japanese. Sutan Syahrir and some of his friends, incl. Subadio, and others were not

ready to cooperate with the Japanese, they prefer to work underground. Bung Karno and Bung Hatta, and others, chose the tactics of 'cooperation' with the Japanese. Bung Karno and Bung Hatta, deligently making use of the opportunity and facilities given by the Japanese, have politically educated the people, especially the youth, by so doing have successfully trained them as freedom fighters. One cannot see a

month pass by without seeing or listening to the political speeches by Bung Karno in public meetings throughout the country.


The political speeches were also made before the young people of the PETA. Through their work in politically educating the people, Bung Karno and Bung Hatta, were recognized as leaders of Indonesia by the people.Thus Subadio.


What Bung Karno and Bung Hatta were doing was the difficult work of

'nation-building' of Indonesia.


Fifth point, The political, mental and physical preparation done by the Indonesian leaders under the Japanese occupation, , were finally to become the fundamental and final conditions, for Indonesia to be able to proclaim their independence in August 1945.


It was also the coordination between the open, legal work with the underground work of our founding-fathers that has made the proclamation of the independence of Indonesia possible.


Our leaders have made a delligent use of the existing contradiction between the occupying Japanese army and the Allied troops, and the contradictions that exist between the Ducth and the Japanese, as well as the contradictions among all those forces: the Dutch, the Japanese, and the British.


It would be wrong, if, at the time of the occupation of the Japanese, the Indonesians were frontally directed against the Japanese occupation force. It would be a mistake if the nationalist leaders, were at the first place to organizse and mobilize the people to cooperate and support the Allied froces, including the Dutch, oppose and fight

against the Japanese occupation.


Without understanding this, it would be very difficult to understand, why the Indonesians never accept the accusation of the Dutch and the West, against Sukarno and Hatta, that they were 'collaborators' of the Japanese.


It would also be difficult to understand the opinion of Indonesians that during the Japanese occupation, the Indonesian fighters for freedom, undergoing the political education of our 'founding fathers', and the physical training, were, so to say, being prepared to finally fight and seize freedom for ourselves.


Final point:

Now, it is time, it seems, to conclude that, as long as the misundertanding on the Dutch side concerning the period of the Japanese occupation of the Netherlands Indies, especially on the accusations against Bung Karno, Bung Hatta and others, of being 'collaborators', remain unsloved, so long will this issue be a serious obstacle in the good and friendly relations between the two countries.


When this misunderstanding is cleared and the two sides brought to a mutual understanding, the two countries and people, Indonesia and the Netherlands, will hopefully, coexist and cooperate in a new spirit of friendship and harmony.


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