WARISI Dan KHAYATI Semangat KESADARAN BERBANGSA -- "SUMPAH PEMUDA" 28 Oktober 1928

Kolom IBRAHIM ISA
Kemis, 28 Oktober 2010
------------------------------

MARI WARISI Dan KHAYATI Semangat KESADARAN BERBANGSA -- "SUMPAH PEMUDA" 28 Oktober 1928

Tidak sedikitpun diragukan: -- Hari ini, Hari Sumpah Pemuda 28 Oktober, 2010, yang dicetuskan delapanpuluh-dua tahun yang lalu oleh pemuda-pemuda kita, adalah hari teramat penting dalam proses rakyat Indonesia menemukan dan membangun identitasnya sebagai bangsa. Bersamaan dengan itu memperkokoh kesadaran berbangsa dan semangat berjuang pantang mundur untuk mencapai kemerdekaan dalam perjuangan panjang melawan kolonialisme Belanda. Adalah kesadaran dan semangat ini pula yang mendasari perjuangan bangsa Indonesia, membela kedaulatan dan keutuhan wilayah Republik Indonesia melawan dan mengalahkan subversi dan intervensi imperialisme melalui pelbagai gerakan separatis, sperti a.l. pemberontakan separatis PRRI/Permesta.

Kesadaran dan semangat ini pula yang merupakan dasar ideologi serta melahirkan kesadaran politik untuk diproklamasikannya kemerdekaan Indonesia dari Sabang sampai Merauké, pada tanggal 17 Agustus 1945. Juga adalah kesadaran berbangsa ini, yang merupakan dasar lahirnya falsafah dan ideologi PANCASILA seperti yang digali dari bumi Indonesia, dan diuraikan oleh Bung Karno dalam pidato beliau: LAHIRNYA PANCASILA, 1 Juni 1945. Kesadaran berbangsa ini pula yang memungkinkan lahir dan dibelanya prinsip berbangsa -- "BHINNEKA TUNGGAL IKA", Kesatuan dalam Perbedaan, atau Berbeda-beda tetapi Satu. Yang juga selanjutnya menjamin dipertahankannya Republik Indonesia sebagai negara sekular dan pluralis.

Begitu pula, tidak disangsikan, bahwa adalah semangat dan kesadaran berbangsa ini pula, yang melahirkan dan menggelorakan gerakan Reformasi menuntut demokrasi dan keadilan, melawan kesewenang-wenangan serta merajalelanya KKN rezim Orba; dan telah mampu menggulingkan Presiden Suharto dari puncak kekuasaan lalimnya.

* * *

Menelusuri kembali pertistiwa bersejarah lahirnya SUMPAH PEMUDA, baik dibaca kembali teks (asli) pernyataan Pemuda-pemuda Indonesia, pada tanggal 28 Oktober 1928. Deklarasi yang merupakan tonggak-sejarah, dalam perjalanan bangsa, ini telah memberikan dorongan kuat, sebagai suatu lompatan besar bersangkutan dengan kebangkitan kesadaran nasional bangsa kita; berbunyi sbb:


POETOESAN CONGRES PEMOEDA-PEMOEDA INDONESIA
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Kerapatan pemoeda-pemoeda Indonesia jang diadakan oleh perkoempoelan-perkoempoelan pemoeda Indonesia yang berdasarkan kebangsaan dengan nama Jong-Java, Jong-Sumatra (Pemoeda Soematera), Pemoeda Indonesia, Sekar Roekoen, Jong-Islamieten Bond, Jong-Bataksbond, Jong-Selebes, Pemoeda Kaum Betawi, dan Perhimpoenan Pelajar-pelajar Indonesia:

memboeka rapat pada tanggal 27 dan 28 October tahoen 1928 dinegeri Djakarta

sesoedahnya mendengar pidato-pidato dan pembitjaraan jang diadakan dalam kerapatan tadi:

sesoedahnya menimbang segala isi-isi pidato-pidato dan pembitjaraan ini:
kerapatan laloe mengambil poetoesan:

PERTAMA.
KAMI POETERA DAN POETERI INDONESIA MENGAKOE BERTOEMPAH-DARAH YANG SATOE TANAH INDONESIA.

KEDOEA.
KAMI POETERA DAN POETERI INDONESIA MENGAKOE BERBANGSA JANG SATOE, BANGSA INDONESIA.

KETIGA.
KAMI POETERA-POETERI INDONESIA MENDJOENDJOENG BAHASA INDONESIA.



* * *

Sebelum lahirnya deklarasi 'Sumpah Pemuda', dua dasawarsa ke belakang, telah dimulai proses kebangkitan kesadaran berbangsa.

Proses lahir dan berkembangnya kesadaran berbangsa Indonesia, tak lepas dari faktor luar yang memberikan pengaruh positif. Misalnya, lahir dan berkembangnya gerakan kemerdekaan India di bawah pimpinan Mahatma Gandhi dan Jawaharlal Nehru. Gerakan kemerdekaan India memberikan warna dan pengaruh non-koperasi dan massa-aksi atas gerakan kemerdekaan Indonesia. Kemenangan Jepang atas Rusia yang melibatkan kedua negeri tsb dalam peperangan tahun 1905, juga merupakan pemahaman baru bangsa-bangsa Asia bahwa mereka mampu mengalahkan bangsa kulit putih, yang dipropagandakan sebagai bangsa yang lebih unggul dari bangsa Asia. Revolusi Nasional Demokratis Tiongkok melawan kerajaan di bawah pimpinan Dr Sun Yat-sen juga merupakan faktor positif dalam perkembangan kesadaran nasional bangsa Indonesia. Dalam pidato LAHIRNNYA PANCASILA, 1 Juni 1945, Bung Karno secara khusus menyebut San Min Chu-I nya Dr Sun Yat-sen, yaitu Tiga Prinsip Revolusi Tiongkok sebagai salah satu sumber inspirasi dalam perjuangan kemerdekaan Indonesia.

Namun, deklarasi 'SUMPAH PEMUDA', yang dicetuskan pada tanggal 28 Oktober 1928, merupakan suatu manifestasi politik yang unik. Deklarasi tsb untuk pertama-kalinya menyatakan semangat. kebersepakatan dan keteguhan tekad pemuda-pemuda Indonesia, sebagai SATU NASION, yang bertanahair, berbangsa dan berbahasa SATU - INDONESIA.

* * *

Pada akhir abad ke-19 lahir dan perkembangan kesadaran berbangsa, sedikit banyak memperoleh isnpirasi dari a.l. terbitnya buku MULTATULI (Eduard Douwes Dekker (2 Maret 1820 - 19 Februari 1887) - , berjudul "Max Havelaar, of De koffij-veilingen de Nederlandsche Handel Maatschappij" (Brussel, 1859). Dengan karya sastra politiknya itu, Multatuli dengan keras dan lantang menggugat kesewenang-wwenangan kekuasan rezim kolonial Hindia Belanda (di Lebak, Banten) serta kekuasaan feodal setempat yang menjadi tumpuan kekuaasan kolonial, terhadap kaum tani dan pekerja setempat. Buku Multatuli adalah suatu GUGATAN PERTAMA, keras dan terbuka oleh seorang mantan pejabat Belanda sendiri, terhadap kekuasaan kolonial Belanda atas Indonesia.

* * *

Selama periode rezim Orba, dan yang sisa-sisa pengaruhnya sampai dewasa ini, masih besar, -- jelas bertendes SELEKTIF MEMORI dalam meninjau dan meneliti serta menarik pelajaran dari sejarah bangsa kita. Yang lebih parah lagi mereka melakukan korupsi fakta-fakta serta rekayasa. Maka sepenuhnya bisa difahami dan perlu disambut dan didukung inisiatif generasi muda yang sejak maraknya gerakan Reformasi aktif melakukan klarifikasi dan pelurusan fakta-fakta sejarah bangsa kita.

Sejarah perjuangan kemerdekaan bangsa kita yang gemilang untuk mencapai kemerdekaan, dihiasi dengan epik perlawanan bersejarah dan berdarah yang gagah berani, seperti yang terjadi dalam pemberontakan di Banten dan Sumatera Barat dalam tahun 1926-1927. Pemberontakan melawan penguasa kolonial Belanda yang lebih banyak dikenal dengan nama Pemberontakan PKI, adalah sumbangsih penting rakyat Banten dan Sumatra Barat dalam perjuangan untuk mencapai kemerdekaan. Tetapi dalam interpretasi para akhli sejarah rezim Orba perlawanan terhadap kolonialisme Belanda itu, dicap dan disalahkan sebagai suatu peristiwa 'pemberontakan' belaka.

* * *

Memperingati Hari Sumpah Pemuda, membawa kita pada pengertian yang jelas, bahwa tegaknya negara Republik Indonesia Merdeka, adalah hasil perjuangan dan jerih payah, keringat dan darah dari pelbagai gerakan nasionalis, Islam dan Komunis. Proses yang ditandai sejak berdirinya Boedi Otomo, disusul dengan munculnya Muhammadiyah, Sarekat Islam, Indische Partij yang dipimpin oleh Douwes Dekker, Tjipto Manoenkoesoemo dan Soewardi Soerjadingrat; PKI, Partai Nasional Indonesia, dll termasuk gerakan buruh dan sarekat-sarekat sekerja lainnya; itu semua merupakan kesatuan proses perjuangan kemerdekaan dengan keterlibatan pelbagai aliran politik dan kepercayaan.

Tidak ketinggalan pula peranan penting dalam proses kesedaran berbangsa yang diambil oleh para mahasiswa dan pelajar Indonesia yang belajar di Belanda, tergabung dalam Perhimpunan Indonesia (PI).

Proses kebangkitan dan menguatnya kesedaran berbangsa negeri kita, menunjukkan pula bahwa bangsa kita mampu bersatu dan menyerempakkan langkah, demi kepentingan seluruh bangsa dan tanah air, seperti pada periode koloinialisme Hindia Belanda. Itu termanifestasi ketika terbentuknya Permufakatan Perhimpunan Politik Kebangsaan Indonesia (PPPKI) dan pada periode Proklamasi Kemerdekaan Indonesia; serta pada periode Reformasi menggulingkan Presiden Suharto.

Dengan mengkhayati semangat dan jiwa Sumpah Pemuda 20 Oktober 1928, bangsa Indonesia pasti akan mampu mengatasi kemacetan Gerakan Reformasi serta dengan langkah tegap meneruskan perjuangan demi hak-hak demokrasi dan HAM, serta mengakhiri situasi IMPUNITY, ketiadaan hukum, menggalakkan gerakan menyeret ke pengadilan koruptor-koruptor dan para pelanggar HAM berat, seperti yang terjadi pada Peristiwa 1965 dan a.l. pada Peristiwa Mei 1998.

* * *

IBRAHIM ISA'S - News and Views

IBRAHIM ISA'S - News and Views
Sunday, October 24, 2010
-------------------------------

-- Controversy on SUHARTO's Status

-- The Papua Torture*

----------------------------------

Is Soeharto a hero?

Tue, 10/19/2010

A few weeks ago, controversy erupted in the media over the proposed
construction of an Islamic cultural center in New York close to the
former World Trade Center site.

Many people who had been injured, or who lost family and friends in the
9/11 attacks, complained that the Islamic Center would hurt their
feelings. Others claimed that the victims' hurt feelings warranted
blocking the center's construction on grounds of insensitivity.

There is though, a strong counterargument to that view. Since the people
proposing to build the center had nothing to do with the attacks, the
complaints of the 9/11 victims are unfair; they should deal rationally
with their emotions instead of trying to infringe upon the rights of
unrelated people wishing to build a religious center.

But what if there were a completely different proposal ­ a proposal to
make the perpetrators of the 9/11 attacks into national heroes?

Then the situation would be very different. The men being put forward as
heroes would be the same men who had willfully brought agony and
bereavement to thousands of people. In that case the feelings of the
victims should be paramount. It would be an abomination to glorify the
perpetrators, while trampling on the feelings of the victims.

And yet, moving to Indonesia, we find the government proposing to
venerate Soeharto without considering the millions of people who lost
relatives in his purges, the thousands who were unjustly imprisoned,
exiled or stigmatized for the best part of their lives, the thousands
more who suffered torture or abuse at the hands of his security forces
with no hope for justice, or even for recognition of their suffering.

Of course there are some people, including President Susilo Bambang
Yudhoyono, who prospered professionally or financially under Soeharto.
No doubt some were personally involved in torture or murder in the
regime's name, and hope glamorization of Soeharto will attenuate their
own feelings of guilt and fears of prosecution. Perhaps others see
acclamation of Soeharto as a vindication of their authoritarian ideology
or as a reaffirmation of a distorted view of history.

Many were simply brought up to revere Soeharto and have never matured
enough to see beyond the smiling photograph on the wall and the
manicured serenity of New Order-controlled media reports.
But viewed comprehensively, the government's enthusiasm in elevating
Soeharto is another symptom of its lost direction.

Instead of uplifting the downtrodden of Soeharto's rule, it tramples on
their feelings by lauding him as a hero, just as today it tramples on
the freedom of minorities through surrogate bands of thugs, who it
treats as vital enforcers of stability and propriety.

Instead of fighting tirelessly to rectify Soeharto's legacy --- the
venal court system, the corrupt institutions, the arrogant politicians
and the greedy bureaucracy --- it evades its responsibilities by
idolizing the very man who created the mess in the first place!

Instead of learning from history, it warps history by perpetuating a
mythical view that turns tyrants into heroes, injustice into order and
fear into peace.

This nostalgia for the past era of impunity, illusion and exploitation
should end. Rather, Indonesia should look to the future with humanity,
determination, realism and justice.

John Hargreaves
Jakarta


Soeharto to get national hero status?'*

Tue, 10/19/2010

Oct. 17, Online: The government has proposed late former president
Soeharto and nine other deceased figures get national hero status,
Cabinet Secretary Dipo Alam said in Jakarta on Sunday.
Dipo said the proposal, made by the Social Services Ministry, was being
assessed by the Honor and Service Council before President Susilo
Bambang Yudhoyono decides.
"It's not true that Pak Harto will get national hero status. There are
nine others proposed by the Social Services Ministry," Dipo, who is a
former student activist from the 1970s, said as quoted by kompas.com.
Dipo said the nine other figures include noted ulema and former
president Abdurrahman Wahid, and former Jakarta governors Ali Sadikin
and J. Leimena. Soeharto and nine other figures are part of 18
previously proposed by the Social Services Ministry, he said.
"Let's think positively. The government will process them in line with
proposals from the public by considering their lifetime contributions to
the country," he added./

Soeharto's hero status remains unclear

Hans David Tampubolon, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | Mon, 10/18/2010

The government says that it has yet to decide whether or not former
president Soeharto would be given a national hero status.

Cabinet secretary Dipo Alam told reporters at the People's Consultative
Assembly (MPR) in Jakarta on Monday that the government had received at
least 10 names to be proposed as national heroes including former
Jakarta governor Ali Sadikin and Soeharto.

An honorary board led by Political, Legal, and Security Affairs
Minister Djoko Suyanto will make a decision about the issue," Dipo said.

The candidacy of Soeharto for a national hero status has sparked
controversies due to his dictatorship regime.

During the regime, the country saw heavy oppressions towards the freedom
of speech and massive violations of human rights.


The week in review: The Papua torture video

The Jakarta Post | Sun, 10/24/2010 - Editorial

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono made a brave move on Friday, ordering
Coordinating Political, Legal and Security Affairs Minister Djoko
Suyanto to acknowledge the authenticity of a video that depicts members
of the Indonesian Military (TNI) torturing indigenous Papuans.

The Asian Human Rights Commission had posted the video on YouTube
(although it was later removed). With the video online for the whole
world to see, the President must have realized this time that the old
defensive and denial tactics would not work.

While we salute the President's move, we hope his generals will follow
up on his order for a thorough investigation. The President's blunt
confession will mean nothing if he does not take harsh actions against
the soldiers and their commanders. The first thing he must do is
establish an independent fact-finding commission led by the National
Commission on Human Rights.

However, no matter how accurate this commission's findings are, they
will be useless if the President does not translate the findings into
concrete action. Only a transparent and fair court will help regain
Indonesia's credibility.

Another step Yudhoyono must take is to open Papuan territory to
international access. Until now foreign journalists and international
workers have been forbidden from entering Papua. Our experiences in
Timor Leste and Aceh should have taught us that the closure of conflict
areas only worsens human rights abuses, with the lack of close supervision.

Papuans have the constitutional right to be treated as first-class
citizens of Indonesia. Many Papuans feel they are being discriminated
against by their fellow citizens and even the state. It will not be
surprising if one day they turn around and say "Enough is enough! We
want to get out of this hell!"

***

THE RUPIAH STRENGTHENED

On Thursday, Bloomberg reported that the rupiah had strengthened,
nearing a three-year high, as speculators expected higher yields in
Indonesia. According to the news agency, the rupiah had advanced 5.2
percent this year, as overseas investors pumped US$2.2 billion into
Indonesian stocks.

At this rate, Bank Indonesia may be forced to intervene in the market by
buying rupiah.

The threat of a currency war is very real. US Treasury Secretary Timothy
F. Geithner has repeatedly urged China to make its currency, the
renminbi, more realistic according to the real market value, and
demanded an appreciation of the currency. But Beijing will not likely
bow to any pressure as China's growth continues, and there is no sign of
its economy overheating. Japan, meanwhile, accused South Korea of
intentionally controlling the won. The Australian dollar also continues
strengthen, as does the Singapore dollar.

Indonesian officials and economists played down the danger of rupiah
fluctuations, arguing that Indonesia's fundamentals were very strong.
This was markedly different to the situation during the 1997-98 Asian
financial crisis, when the rupiah fluctuated severely. As a result, Bank
Indonesia increased interest rates to 70 percent in 1998.

But please do not forget that just before the crisis hit Indonesia in
July 1997, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF),
along with other international financial institutions, praised
Indonesia's perfect fundamentals.

This time we hope that such blunders in assessing our economy will not
happen again. We need to remember that we have had a consumer-driven
economy over the last few years, as the return of foreign direct
investment has remained slow

***

BARACK OBAMA TO VISIT INDONESIA NEXT MONTH*

On Friday, Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa announced the planned visit
of US President Barack Obama next month, on the sidelines of his
scheduled trip to attend the G20 summit in South Korea and the
Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) meeting in Yokohama, Japan. But
Obama has postponed visiting Indonesia (the country where he spent
several years of his childhood in the 1960s) twice this year already, so
Indonesians will probably be less enthusiastic about his visit this
time. Obama needs to understand that he has disappointed many
Indonesians who feel that this country is no longer part of his agenda.

President Yudhoyono will meet Obama at the two summits. Perhaps many
Indonesians do not realize that their country is a member of the
prestigious new club: G20. But many Indonesians also do not see the
relevance of the G20 in their daily life.

Apart from the two summits, Yudhoyono also must attend the ASEAN Summit
next week in Hanoi, Vietnam. But is ASEAN more meaningful to ordinary
Indonesians than the G20 and APEC?

--- Kornelius Purba

Buku WILSON - "A LUTA CONTINUA!" -

Kolom IBRAHIM ISA
Kemis, 21 Oktober 2010
-------------------------------

WILSON - "A LUTA CONTINUA!"
Pembebasan Timor Leste>

Terima kasih banyak Wilson! Kiriman bukunya "A Luta Copntinua", sudah kuterima tanggal 16 Oktober 2010 y.l. Bonnie Tryana yang menyampaikannya. Buku karya Wilson , "A Luta Continua!", berisi 408 halaman, diterbitkan oleh Penerbit Tanah Lapang, pada bulan Agustus 2010 y.l.

Mengapa judul itu?
"A Luta Continua!' Imperatif dan kalimat perintah yang selalu mengilhami, menjiwai serta mendorong jutaan orang baik di Timor Leste pada masa perjuangan pembebasan bangsa dan negerinya maupun di Indonesia dalam perjuangan melawan rejim Suharto yang menindas secara kejam masyarakat Indonesia dan masyrakat Timor Leste." Kata-kata ini ditulis oleh Mari Alkatiri, mantan Perdana Menteri Republica Democratica de Timor-Leste Pendiri dan Sekretaris Umum FRETILIN.

Tulis Alkatiri selanjutnya a.l:
"Saya salut penulis atas keberanian, ketekunan dan penentuan dirinya untuk mencetuskan A Luta Continua! yang pertama dalam bahasa Indonesia dan mempersembahkan karya perdananya buat dua Bangsa bersaudara yakini Bangsa Timor-Leste dan Bangsa Indonesia."

"A Luta Continua! Suatu testimoni tentang salah satu nilai universal, yaitu solidaritas antar bangsa dan masyarakat manusia khususnya antara masyarakat Indonesia dan Timor Leste pada masa perjuangan dan masa kini, dalam proses mendemokratisasi diri masing-masing untuk memberantas kemiskinan di segala bidang dan membangun masyarakat yang adil dan makmur sesuai amanat konstitusi stiap negara."

* * *

Buku Wilson belum kubaca habis! Tokh merasa perlu menuliskan kesan permulaan. Buku ini menarik dan penting! Bonnie bilang buku tsb diluncurkan tahun ini di dua tempat. Jakarta dan Timor Leste! Tak jelas apa ada buku lainnya yang mengisahkan perjuangan rakyat Timor Leste membela kemerdekaan bangsanya melawan agresi dan pendudukan Indonesia selama seperempat abad. Rakyat Timor Leste telah menuliskan sejarah perjuangan mereka dengan keringat, airmata dan darah. Sebaliknya Orde Baru Suharto mencatatnya dengan tinta-kelabu yang mengotori lembaran-lenbaran sejarah bangsa kita.

Buku ini penting sekali. Selain sebagai sumbangsih penulisan sejarah menyangkut dua bangsa - Timor Leste dan Indonesia-, khusus bisa membantu masyarakat, generasi dan sejarawan muda, kaum cerdik pandai Indonesia, politisi dan elitenya membersihkan ingatan masing-masing dari racun kebohongan dan indoktrinasi Orba. Bahwa 'masuknya ABRI ke Timor Timur (1975), adalah atas 'undangan' rakyat Tim-Tim. Selanjutnya kebohongan lainnya lagi, yaitu bahwa Timor Timur, secara 'sukarela' bergabung dengan Republik Indonesia.

Perlawanan rakyat Timor Leste yang gigih dan ulet itu serta referendum di bawah PBB telah mengungkap dan mendemonstrasikan dengan jelas kebangkrutan agresi, pendudukan dan 'pencaplokan' TimorTimur oleh Orba.

Namun, pandangan 'nasionalis sempit', pandangan 'chauvinistik' bersangkutan dengan Timor Timur masih cukup bersitahan.

Buku ini penting, untuk membantu mencerahkan sementara 'nasionalis' Indonesia yang termakan oleh propaganda bohong Orba tsb.

* * *

Wilson, yang saat itu aktif di PRD, mengungkap dalam PRAKATA PENULIS bukunya, a.l sbb:

"Sejujurnya telah 10 tahun saya memendam obsesi dapat mengunjungi Timor Leste sebagai sebuah negeri merdeka. . . . . Selama di Timor Leste saya seperti bertemu dengan masa kini dan bagian dari masa lalu yang berserakan. Banyak kehangatan, perubahan dan kejutan ketika bertemu dengan kawan lama yang sudah beragam dalam hal profesi dan aspirasi politik. Namun yang paling membahagiakan adalah saya berkesempatan dengan kendaraan berkeliling ke tujuh distrik. Perjalanan dan pertemuan dengan orang biasa, serta pemandangan
indah sepanjang pantai, bukit-bukit dan padang rumput, membantu saya untuk lebih mengenal harapan-harapan tersembunyi yang tulus di luar dan analisa politk para aktivis di Dili."

Selanjutnya Wilson:
"Kenyataan ini mengingatkan penulis akan pentingnya memahami sejarah dan masa lalu sebagai suatu ingatan kolektif yang sangat dipenaruhi oleh bagaimana 'kesadran masa kini'.

Menulis tiap kepingan sejarah yang berserak mungkin sekali membantu menarik pelajaran dari jejak samar di masa lalu. Sebagai seorang aktivis yang menggemari sejarah, penulis menganggap masih banyak ruang kosong sejarah Timor Leste yang harus ditulis oelh kaum intelektuil dan aktivis di Timor Leste sendiri. Bangsa Timor Leste juga harus berdaulat atas sejarah dan masa lalunya sendiri.

Pada penutup pengantar bukunya itu, Wilson benar sekali ketika menandaskan, bahwa:
"Sejarah memang tak bisa mengubah masa kini, tapi menjadi amnesia atas masa lalu, akan membuat kita bingung menafsirkan masa kini dan kehilangan pembelajaran untuk menjadi manusia yang lebih baik di masa depan".

* * *

Hilmar Farid, sejarawan generasi muda, mencatat sbb:
"Ini adalah catatan kritis gerakan solidaritas Indonesia untuk Timor Leste, yang mengingatkan bahwa kemerdekaan adalah langkah awal dan bukan akhir, dari pembebasan sejati".

Aktivis solidaritas dengan perjuangan Leste lainnya, Budiman Sudjatmiko, menulis: "Lahirnya negara Timor Leste setelah era penguasaan Orde Baru memberikan pelajaran berharga bahwa bangsa ini tidak boleh lagi menjadi obyek dari pertarugan negara adi kuasa seperti dalam era perang dingin. Semoga buku ini ikut membantu proses untuk menciptakan rasa solidaritas dan saling pengertian antara kedua bangsa".

Andi Arief, mantan aktivis yang kini menjabat abagai Staf Presiden SBY, menulis:
"Buku ini penting karena menambah referensi tentang sejarah dan perjuangan rakyat Timor Leste serta hubungannnya dengan rakyat Indonesia. Saya berharap buku ini bisa menjadi salah satu acuan bagi kedua bangsa, Indonesia dan Timor Leste, untuk membangun peradaban dan komunikasi politik yang sejajar dan saling menghargai keunikan masing-masing bangsa:.

Sedangkan Xanana Gusmao, Perdana Menteri Timor Leste, menegaskan kepada Wilson, bahwa: 'Anda memperoleh juga kesempatan yang sangat penting untuk memberi kesaksian mengenai hubungan perjuangan dari pemuda Indonesia dengan perlawanan Maubere".

* * *

Barangkali interesan untuk sekadar mengetahui a.l judul-judul dari 12 Bab buku Wilson, sbb:

Bab I : Kaum Kiri dan Pembebasan Nasional.
Bab 2: Timor Leste dalam Era Pra Orde Baru Soeharto
Bab 3: Timor Leste dalam Politik Orde Baru Soeharto
Bab 4: Gerakan Demokrasi dan Persoalan Timor Timur
Bab 5: Demokrasi untuk Indonesia, Kemerdekaan untuk Timor Timur
Bab 6: Relasi dengan Gerakan Pembebasan Timor Leste.
Bab 7: Solidaritas Internasional Untuk Timor Leste
Bab 8: Bersama Xanana Gusmao di Penjara Cikpinang
Bab 9: Timor Leste dalam Politik Elektoral 1999
Bab 10: Menyikapi Hasil Referendum di Timor Timur
Bab 11: Kaum Kiri, Pasukan Keamanan PBB dan Neoliberalisme
Bab 12: Setelah Krisis Selalu Ada Harapan-harapan

* * *

Tentu perlu sedikit membaca apa yang tercantum dalam biodata Penulis Wilson: Sedikit saja, a.l sbb:

WILSON, (43Tahun), lahir di Jakarta, 28 Maret. Lulus sarjana SI dari Jurusan Sejarah Fakultas Sastra Universitas Indonesia 1994, dengan skripsi "Kaum Pergerakan Menyambut Fasisme; Respon Kaum Pergerakan 1930-an Atas Kemunculan Fasisme". Menikah dengan Nor Hiqmah, mantan aktivis yang kini menjadi peneliti di Yappika. Di karunia seorang anak perempuan berusia 9 tahun bernama Mernissi Bunga Opressia. Penggila musik rock 1970-an. Fans tanpa batas kesebelasan FC Barcelona dan tim nasional Argentina. Tinggal di rumah sederhana tipe 36 di Citayem, Depok, Jawa Barat, Indonesia. Sudah 10 tahun berhenti merokok. Sekarang juga menolak makanan yang berasal dari mahluk hidup berkaki dua dan berkaki empat. Dapat dikontak di alamat email:
ortubunga@yahoo.com. Selanjutnya mengenai biodata Wilson silakan baca di buku Wilson.

* * *

Pembaca! Jangan ayal lagi. Cari dan beli buku Wilson itu, dan baca. Penting!

* * *

KASUS SUHARTO SEHARUSNYA SEGERA DIBAWA KE PENGADILAN !!

Kolom IBRAHIM ISA
Selasa, 19 Oktober 2010
--------------------------------

KASUS SUHARTO SEHARUSNYA SEGERA DIBAWA KE PENGADILAN !!
* * *
BAGAIMANA PULA ADA FIKIRAN MENJADIKAN SUHARTO PAHLAWAN??


Kemarin pagi, aku mulai menulis kolomku. Tema: Sekitar rencana menobatkan Suharto sebagai pahlawan nasional. Baru dua halaman A-4 yang ditulis, datang tilpun dari wartawan Radio Nederland, Fedya Andina.

'Boleh saya bicara dengan Pak Ibrahim Isa?', suara Andina. Ya, saya Ibrahim Isa, jawabku. Bisakah Pak Ibrahim Isa saya wawancarai sekitar rencana penobatan Suharto menjadi pahlawan nasional? Kami kemudian sepakat wawancara dimulai jam 12.00 siang hari itu.

Kemarin sore, website Ranesi-Hilversum, memuat artikel kecil Fedya Andina berjudul 'pro-kontra' penobatan Suharto jadi pahlawan nasional. Isinya lebih banyak memuat argumentasi yang mendukung Suharto. Wawancara dengan aku selama kurang lebih 15 menit, dimuat hanya beberapa kalimat saja. Rupanya Radio Nederland masih 'khawatir' jangan-jangan siarannya akan 'menyinggung' perasaan keluarga Cendana. Meskipun Suharto sudah jatuh, pendukung-pendukungnya 'kan, masih saja duduk di posisi-posisi kekuasaan negeri. Disatu fihak Radio Hilversum mau 'obyektif', ingin menyiarkan berita yang 'seimbang'. Nyatanya ya, begitu itulah!

Agar pembaca mengetahui isi wawancara itu, di bawah ini disiarkan transkrip selengkap mungkin wawancara yang dibuat Radio Nederland per tilpun, pada tanggal 18 Oktober y.l. sbb:

* * *

FEDYA ANDINA, Radio Nederland Wereldomroep:

Pak Ibrahim Isa, hari Kemis besok itu tepat 1000 hari yang lalu mantan Presiden Suharto meninggal dunia. Hari itu akan diperingati besar-besaran di Indonesia. Selain itu partainya, yaitu Golkar, mencalonkan Suharto menjadi pahlawan nasional. Bagaimana pendapat bapak mengenai pencalonan itu, pak?

IBRAHIM ISA:
Terima kasih atas informasi ini. Saya baru ingat lagi bahwa dia sudah seribu hari meninggal dunia.
Bagi saya kasus Suharto itu seharusnya segera dibawa ke pengadilan. Jadi tidak cocok, seharusnya dibawa ke pengadilan, bagaimana kok, Suharto mau dijadikan pahlawan? Ini bagi saya suatu jalan fikiran yang aneh sekali. Tapi tampaknya sudah dekat waktunya akan diambil keputusan oleh Presiden SBY, menentukan Suharto sebagai pahlawan nasional itu, yang calon-calonnya sudah disiarkan di media, dan di situ ada nama Suharto.

Lalu dinyatakan bahwa Suharto sudah lulus (seleksi) lalu nama-nama calon itu akan diajukan kepada Presiden.

Saya membaca reaksi di masyarakat. Baik di pers, melalui radio maupun TV. Umumnya reaksi itu keras sekali menolak mantan Presiden Suharto dinobatkan jadi pahlawan nasional. Alasan yang banyak dikemukakan mengapa menolak, adalah: Pelanggaran Ham Berat yang dilakukan terhadap rakyat selama ia berkuasa. Alasan keras berikutnya yang diajukan adalah keterlibatannya dalam korupsi besar-besaran. Bahkan salah satu badan yang ada hubungannya dengan PBB menyatakan, bahwa, Suharto adalah negarawan koruptor yang terbesar di dunia.

Peraturan Presiden Republik Indonesia, No. 33 Th. 1964, menyatakan, bahwa yang punya syarat atau pantas dinyatakan sebagai pahlawan nasional, adalah warganegara yang dalam sejarahnya, ambil bagian dalam perjuangan aktif membela bangsa dan negeri. Itu syarat kesatu.

Kedua, dia itu di dalam perjalanan hidupnya tidak boleh cacat dalam pelanggaran ini atau itu, yaitu pelanggaran menyangkut hukum.

Ditinjau dari dua syarat tsb itu saja, Suharto tidak bisa diajukan sebagai calon.

ANDINA: Tapi bapak kan tahu. Yang mencalonkan adalah partainya sendiri, partai Golkar. Yang bagaimanapun juga duduk dalam koalisi yang memerintah.
Kemungkinan bahwa beliau akan terpilih sebagai pahlawan nasional itu, ada!

IBRAHIM ISA: Ya, memang ada. Dan sangat menarik. Adalah salah seorang pejabat yang jabatannya itu adalah Staf Khusus Bidang Bencana dan Bantuan Sosial, namanya Andi Arief. Ia terbuka menyatakan, Suharto tidak bisa diajukan sebagai calon. Andi Arief menolak Suharto dijadikan pahlawan nasional. Dengan alasan, terlalu banyak merugikan rakyat. Ketimbang membawa kemajuan. Terlalu banyak menodai kepercayaan rakyat Indonesia. Ini adalah kata-kata Andi Arief sendiri. Suharto juga terlibat dalam banyak pelanggaran HAM. Penculikan aktivis, korupsi dsb. Ini menarik. Karena ini adalah suara salah satu pembantu, Staf SBY sendiri. Orang juga bisa menginterpretasikan, --- apakah ini suatu pertanda bahwa SBY akan menolak? Atau ini adalah harapan yang merupakan impian saja. Atau ini canang bahwa SBY memang akan memutuskan menjadikan Suharto sebagai pahlawan? Itu akan kita lihat nanti.

ANDINA: Yang seperti bapak bilang tadi. Suharto itu sebetulnya harus diajukan ke pengadilan. Tapi kan dia sudah meninggal dunia, pak. Menurut pepatah Indonesia, jangan bicara jelek tentang orang yang sudah meninggal dunia, katanya.

IBRAHIM ISA: Ya, itu pepatah. Tapi kalau pepatah itu bertentangan dengan hukum, apalagi hukum internasional. Maka lebih baik kita berpegang pada hukum internasional daripada pada pepatah.

Seperti misalnya diktator Spanyol, Jendral Franco. Dia sudah lama mati. Tetapi banyak yang sudah siap untuk mengajukan Jendral Franco sebagai tertuduh dalam pengadilan. Karena Jendral Franco banyak melanggar hukum. Melanggar hak-hak azasi manusia. Bisa itu. Dan orang-orang juga sudah siap untuk mengajukan Jendral Augusto Pinochet (mantan diktator Chili) yang mati 10 Desember 2006 y.l., kepengadilan, sebagai pelaksanaan hukum dan keadilan. Begitu.

ANDINA: Para pembela Suharto, ya pak, banyak yang menyatakan.Yang jelek itu bukan Suharto, tetapi yang di sekelilingnya dan anak-anaknya. Bagaimana pendapat bapak?

IBRAHIM ISA: Saya di Jakarta ketika itu. Saya melihat dan menyaksikan. Ketika itu saya baru sampai dari Bangkok, pada tanggal 03 Oktober 1965. Saya lihat suasana dan dengar sana-sini. Suharto itu sebagai Jendral sudah melakukan in-subordinasi (pembangkangan). Ia menolak keputusan Presiden Panglima Tertinggi ABRI, Sukarno, yang mengangkat Jendral Pranoto Reksosamudro, sebagai pimpinan harian Angkatan Darat . Untuk menggantikan Jendral yang sudah meninggal karena dibunuh dalam peristiwa ketika itu. Presiden Sukarno sebagai Panglima Tertinggi Abri, mengangkat Jendral Pranoto Reksosamudro sebagai pelaksana pimpinan Angktan Darat. Tetapi keputusan Presiden Sukarno itu ditolak Jendral Suharto. Suharto bilang itu tidak bisa. Jadi sebagai bawahan dia menolak putusan atasan.

Yang kedua, Suharto menggunakan dokumen atau tandatangan Presiden Sukarno, dalam 'Supersemar', justru untuk melakukan in-subordinasi terhadap garis penyelesaian yang diajukan Presiden Sukarno. Jadi, dia itu, pertama-tama melanggar dan melakukan pengkhianatan terhadap atasannya. Terhadap Panglima Tertinggi. Jadi, bukan ada masalah anak-anaknya atau lainnya yang mempengaruhinya. Anak-anaknya masih kecil ketika itu. Jadi alasan itu, sangat tidak beralasan.

ANDINA: Jadi, alasan itu dihubungkan dengan korupsi dan pelanggaran hak-hak azasi manusia. Bahwa dia sendiri tidak pernah memberikan perintah untuk membunuh. Tetapi, adalah anakbuahnya yang memutuskan.

IBRAHIM ISA: Tetapi waktu ia melakukan pembunuhan tahun 1965-66, anak-anaknya juga masih kecil. Kalau korupsi memang betul. Anak-anak itu ketika itu masih kecil. Tetapi ketika anak-anak itu mulai mengerti arti duit, mereka memberikan syarat-sayat bagi bapaknya untuk lebih banyak lagi korupsi.

Mengenai pelanggaran di bidang ekonomi yang dilakukan Suharto, itu bukan saja baru pada tahun 1965. Jauh sebelumnya, ketika Suharto menjabat Panglima Divisi Diponegoro di Jawat Tengah, dia melakukan penyelundupan. Menggunakan kekuatan tentara bersama Liem Sioe Liong melakukan penyelundupan bahan-bahan ekspor Indonesia keluar negeri. Dan karena tindakannya itu dia dicopot dari jabatannya. Dan diadili. Dan kemudian dia disekolahkan. Jadi itu suatu tindakan disiplin. Tetapi Bung Karno sendiri lagi, yang menyelamatkan Suharto. Jadi, Suharto dimaafkan. Lalu dipakai lagi dia. Jadi, tidak benar, katakanlah, Suharto jadi jelék, sesudah ia menjadi presiden. Sebelumnya Suharto sudah melakukan pelanggaran ekonomi di Jawa Tengah.

ANDINA: Ada banyak alasan yang kuat yang tidak membolehkan Suharto dijadikan pahlawan nasional ya Pak?

IBRAHIM ISA: Ya Betul!

ANDINA: OK Pak Ibrahim Isa. Terima kasih banyak atas komentarnya, Pak.

IBRAHIM ISA: Ya, sama-sama!

* * *

BBC Tentang "NASIB KIRI INDONESIA"

Kolom IBRAHIM ISA
Selasa, 12 Oktober 2010
-------------------------------

INTERESAN !!! --
BBC Tentang "NASIB KIRI INDONESIA"

Belum lama -- tertanggal 04 Oktober 2010. Jadi, delapan hari yang lalu. Dalam Laporan Khusus-nya yang terbit 04 Oktober itu, tema pokok BBC Online m berbahasa Indonesia, --- mengedepankan judul "NASIB KIRI INDONESIA'. Di dalam Laporan Khusus tsb BBC menyanjikan enam tema besar, sbb:

1. Nasib Kiri Indonesia
2. Ekspresi G30S dengan Versi Berbeda
3. Matinya Politik Kiri Indonesia
4. Rekonsiliasi di Akar Rumput
5. Terdampar di Negeri Asing
6. Menanti Keadilan melalui Rehabilitasi

Tidak sedikit yang dicerterakan dalam 6 tema yang diuraikan melalui wawancara dengan sementara korban dan dengan yang ada sangkut pautnya. Mempersoalkan tentang NASIB KIRI DI INDONESIA - tidaklah sederhana. Untuk itu diperlukan penelitian yang seksama atas bahan-bahan sejarah yang memadai, baik di dalam maupun di luar negeri. Lebih lagi dituntut untuk bersikap obyektif. Terutama terhadap bahan-bahan sejarah yang dibengkokkan dan dipalsu selama rezim Orba.

Di luar negeri bahan-bahan tsb cukup banyak. Lembaga penelitian dan pendidikan tinggi di Amerika Serikat, Belanda, Australia, Inggris dan juga Jepang, sudah lama mengikuti dan mencatat perkembangan politik Indonesia. Lebih-lebih lagi sejak terjadinya 'G30S' dengan kelanjutannya -- pembunuhan masal atas ratusan ribu warga yang tak bersalah (menurut banyak penulisan, jumlah korban melebihi satu juta) tanpa proses hukum apapun oleh penguasa militer di bawah Jendral Suharto. Kemudian berdirinya rezim Orba setelah melakukan penghancuran dan pembersihan berdarah atas kekuatan politik Kiri Indonesia, khususnya PKI dan Presiden Sukarno serta kekuatan pendukungnya.

Mengenai peristiwa dan perkembangan politik tsb, khususnya pelanggaran Ham terbesar dalam sejarah Republik Indonesia, cukup banyak bahan hasil penelitian tertulis di luar negeri. Bahan-bahan tsb tambah banyak sesudah jatuhnya Presiden Suharto. Bahan-bahan menyangkut Peristiwa 1965 serta tuntutan keadilan dan kebenaran serta rehabilitasi nama baik dan hak-hak politik serta kewarganegaraanya, bisa dipastikan AKAN BERTAMBAH TERUS.

Meskipun tidak bisa dikatakan memadai, Laporan Khusus BBC menyangkut NASIB KIRI INDONESIA, patut disambut. Setidak-tidaknya munculnya Laporan Khusus BBC tsb yang diterbitkan dalam rangka EMPAT PULUH LIMA TAHUN PERISTIWA TRAGEDI NASIONAL 1965, punya perananan mengingatkan masyrakat, khususnya mengingatkan pemerintah Indonesia, untuk tidak terus-menerus kejangkitan "LUPA SEJARAH". Bahwa MASALAH 1965 masih MENGGANTUNG!

Penulisan BBC tsb, disamping puluhan bahkan lebih banyak lagi tulisan di dalam dan di luar negeri megenai TRAGEDI NASIONAL 1965, merupakan bahan input berharga. Bahan penulisan tsb bisa menggugah dan mendorong lebih banyak lagi peneliti, pakar dan pemeduli untuk ambil bagian aktif dalam mempersoalkan, meneliti dan MENCARI KEBENARAN sekitar MASALAH 1965.

Peristiwa TRAGEDI NASIONAL 1965, pertama-tama adalah peristiwa berlakunya ketidak-adilan, berlangsungnya kekejaman dan kebiadaban terhadap warganegara sendiri oleh penguasa militer. Peristiwa pelanggaran HAM paling besar di Republik Indonesia itu, merupakan bagian terpenting sebagai dasar, sebagai pemula beridirinya rezim Orba. Yaitu, suatu kekuasaan militer yang didukung oleh politisi nasionalis dan religius. Orba telah membungkam hak-hak demokrasi secara menyeluruh di Indonesia. Ini berlangsung terus selama 32 tahun. Sampai tumbangnya Presiden Suharto oleh gerakan Reformasi dan Demokrasi.

* * *

Dengan demikian, menyoroti NASIB KIRI INDONESIA, yang digambarkan dalam laporan tsb, sebagai suatu aliran politik yang tidak punya hari depan, adalah terlalu menyederhanakan persoalan.

Apakah itu yang dinamakan KEKUATAN POLITIK KIRI. Itu soal besar di Indonesia. Menyangkut masalah sejarah yang panjang, sejak gerakan anti kolonialisme untuk mencapai kemerdekaan nasional. Catatan sejarah cukup jelas mendokumentasi peranan politik Kiri dalam gerakan kemerdekaan Indonesia.
Pertanyaan, mengapa sampai sekarang para eksponen politik Kiri, seperti yang terhimpun pada permulaan gerakan Reformasi, didalam PRD , tidak memperoleh kemajuan. Bahkan satu kursipun tidak berhasil diperolehnya dalam pemilu y.l. Menjawab pertanyaan-pertanyaan tsb hanya bisa dilakukan setelah mengadakan penelitian dan studi yang cukup. Barangkali tidak terlalu sulit menjawabnya bila diingat bahwa kekuatan Kiri sejak Orba selalu ditindasd oleh penguasa. Dan pemngikut-pengikutnya dipersekusi dan dipenjarakan. Selama 32 tahun Orba, kesedaran dan pemikiran masyrakat mengenai aliran politik Kiritelah di-'brainwashed' sedemikian rupa, yang dipadukan pula dengan tindakan adaminstratif sperti pemberlakuan regulsi 'bersih lingkungan' dsb.
Maka, penting sekali untuk mengemukakan, bahwa KIRI INDONESIA tidak semaju KIRI di Amerika Latin, misalnya, jelas sekali, penyebabnya adalah ORPRESI DAN SUPRESI penguasa yang berlangsung terus. Sepuluh tahun sejak jatuhnya Presiden Suharto, namun politik pokok Suharto menindas dan mengahancurkan Kiri demi kelanjutnya kekuasaanya, hakikatnya, masih berlangsung terus.

Demikianlah sedikit tanggapan atas LAPORAN KHUSU BBC, yang mengadjukan tema NASIB KIRI INDONESIA, yang memberikan kesan bahwa di Indonesia tidak ada haridepan bagi politik Kiri.

Perkembangan politik Indonesia akan membuktikan bahwa Kiri Indonesia yangpunya latar belakang sejarah, dan peranan penting sekali dalam membawa nasion ini ke ambang pintu kemerdekaan --- bukan saja akan tetap eksis. Suatu ketika gerakan KIRI Indonesia akan tumbuh pesat dan memainkan peranan positif dalam perjuangan emansipasi bangsa, keadilan dan kemakmuran bagi rakyat.

* * *

SUMBANGAN Pada Konferensi Dialog Nederland-Jepang Untuk Rekonsiliasi

IBRAHIM ISA - Berbagi Cerita
Senin, 11 Oktober 2010
------------------------------------------

SUMBANGAN Pada Konferensi Dialog Nederland-Jepang Untuk Rekonsiliasi

Tanpa undangan Ny. Jeanne Ham (mantan Sekretaris 'Vereniging JIN' - Japans Indische Nakomelingen- Perkumpulan Keturunan Jepang-Indonesia-Belanda) dan Prof. dr T. Muraoka ( dari kalangan gereja Protestan, mantan gurubesar bahasa dan sastra Hebrew pada Universitas Utrecht), untuk bicara di Konferensi (Ke-14) Dialog Nederland-Jepang , aku samasekali tak tahu tentang eksistensi dan kegiatan penting pelbagai organisasi/lembaga di Belanda. Yang tujuannya adalah kepedulian dengan para keturunan Jepang-Indonesia/Belanda. Konferensi diselenggarakan untuk mencapai haridepan yang damai dan kerjasama atas dasar saling-mengerti dan rekonsiliasi.

Demikianlah ceritanya: Pada hari Sabtu, 09 Oktober yang lalu aku hadir dan bicara di konferensi Dialog Nederland-Jepang itu.

Perlu ditekankan, bahwa tujuan utama konferensi Dialog tsb adalah untuk saling mendengar pengalaman dan kisah masing-masing, baik dari fihak asal Belanda, asal Jepang maupun asal Indonesia. Ataupun dari kalangan generasi baru Jepang, sesudah perang. Dalam konferensi itulah didengar mereka-mereka yang orangtuanya mengalami periode kamp-interniran Jepang di Indonesia. Suatu zaman pancaroba/perubahan besar yang melihatkan mereka --sesaat setelah bangsa kita mememproklamasikan kemerdekaan dan dimulainya Perang Kemerdekaan Indonesia melawan kolonialisme Belanda ( 1945-1949).

* * *

Bicara di Konferensi Dialog Nederland-Jepang yang dihadiri kurang-lebih 70 peserta, a.l dr Mariska Heijmans. Sebagai historikus ia menguraikan situasi dan keadaan para penghuni kamp-kamp interniran Belanda yang dididirikan tentara Jepang di Indonesia,. Diuraikan kondisi dan situasi yang menyangkut mereka, sesudah Proklamasi Kemerdekaan Indonesia. Juga bicara seorang dari generasi muda Jepang, Yukiko Yokohata, seorang historikus, sekitar wanita-wanita yang dipaksa jadi prostitusi militer Jepang.

Cerita sekitar Konferensi tsb bisa panjang bisa singkat. Masalahnya cukup besar. Menyangkut sejarah tiga bangsa - Belanda-Jepang dan Indonesia. Namun cerita ini bisa juga dibuat singkat-padat. Bagi yang menaruh perhatian bisa mendalami dan memperluas pengetahuannya menyangkut masalah tsb dengan mengakses informasi di media internet.

* * *

Di bawah ini disajikan sambuanku dalam Konferensi tsb. Konferensi menggunakan bahasa pengantar Inggris dan Belanda. Sambutanku kubuat dalam bahasa Inggris. Cukup panjang. Mengambil waktu sekitar 45 menit. Meskipun sambutan tsb cukup panjang, namun, aku tak menduga mendapat sambutan hangat dan persetujuan dari sebagian terbesar hadirin.

IBRAHIM ISA
Voorbug, October 9th, 2010
-------------------------------------

A CONTRIBUTION TO THE NETHERLANDS – JAPAN DIALOGUE FOR RECONCILIATION

Ladies and gentlemen,

Let me start my observation, at today's gathering, --- with these words: --- Sincere thanks to Mme Jeanne Ham and Prof Muraoka, who sent me the invitation. I feel honoured to be a participant of this important gathering of reconciliation.

Before outlining my views on the theme of the agenda of this meeting, I would like to make a brief introduction of myself, IBRAHIM ISA, of Indonesian origin, and Dutch citizen since 1989.

* * *

I have dedicated a greater part of my life for the cause of emancipation of the Indonesian nation. And, it is still so, at 80 today. This explain why, after becoming a Dutch citizen, I have accepted the invitation of dr. Coen Holtzappel, Chairman of the Executive Board of Stichting Wertheim, to become member of the Board, as Secretary. The Wertheim Foundation, established 20 years ago on the occasion of Wertheim's 80th birthday – came into being for the sole purpose of making contribution to the struggle of Indonesia for national emancipation.

Allow me to tell you a beautiful event in my personal history in relation to the Netherlands. It is rather 'unique', at the same time remarkable. Sixtyfive years ago, 1945, Indonesia proclaimed her Independence. A war of independence broke out between Indonesia and Holland, which lasted for 4 years. At that time I joined the struggle. I became an active participant to the Indonesian independence-war against the Dutch, who refused to recognize Indonesian independence and started a war of suppression and annihilation against the Republic of Indonesia.

Here comes the 'unique' part of my story. Years later, in 1986, I and my family, came to Holland, a country of a former adversary. For what? I came to request for asylum in Holland. Because of the suppressive regime of General Suharto. Is it not remarkable? How events can develop in such a turn? But in 1989, the Dutch governnment, abiding by the international and European convention to protect politycal refugees from an oppressive regime, -- gave political asylum to me and my family. How thankful I am to the Dutch government!

Arriving in Holland at the end of 1986, as political refugee, I made my mind to do my bit for mutual understanding and mutual respect, for co-operation and mutual benefit for the two nations and countries, Indonesia and the Netherlands. It is not easy because Indonesia and Holland have a COMMON HISTTORY, full of sufferings and still of misunderstanding.

That is when formulated in a diplomatic polite wordings. But to 'tell a spade a spade', we Indonesians were a colonised people and country. While the Dutch were the colonizer. We were the underdog. The Dutch were the masters. We were the one who suffer. The Dutch were the beneficiaries! This is our past history.

The Pacific-War and the Proclamation of Indonesian Independence, by Sukarno and Moh. Hatta on behalf of the Indonesian people, and the compromise and agreement between Indonesia and Holland in 1949, after 4 years of war of independence, officially solved the problem of Dutch colonialism in Indonesia. It ended the subjugation of Indonesia by the Netherlands. But not completely!

Because there is the problem of West Irian. Papua as it is now called. When we proclaimed our independence in 1945, it is Indonesia from Sabang to Merauké, the former Netherlands-East Indies. But at the time of the compromise between Indonesia and Holland (1949), and the Dutch left Indonesia, the West Irian problem was not solved yet. Because the Dutch refused to leave Papua. This unsolved problem of West Irian, was later settled through the UNO. But the refusal of the Dutch to recognize the day of the Proclamation of the Independence of Indonsia August 17, 1945, as the day of INDONESIAN INDEPENDENCE, remains unsolved until today.


* * *

In the closing-speech of the last meeting, member of the directingroup, Mr Anton Stephan, pointed out that: knowledge of each sides, by telling and listening of each others personal life-history, – is the way to work in finding a way to an understanding of each others, and for reconcialiation.

Another participant of the last meeting, Mr Wim Lindeijer, said in his closing speech: “Without deniying the past, a way to the future should be found, free of hate and rancour, resentment and ill-feelings. It begins with each others' respect as humanbeings, not as enemies, anymore.”

Following the way as pointed by Mr Anton Stepanm and Mr Wim Lindeijer, I think it is proper for me, to tell you here my own story, my personal understanding of the past.

* * *

Ladies and Gentlemen,

We are here to find ways and means to come to a common understanding, on the impact of what has happened with the inmates of the Dutch-internment-camp during the Japanese military occupation of Indonesia. All what happened during the Japanese occupation of Indonesia, especially what has happened with the Dutch people in the internment-camps, occured in Indonesia. Thus, to come to an undersanding of the problem, it should be seen in relation with the historical background of the relations between Holland and Indonesia.

Thus it is in fact a triangle-relation problem, between Indonesia-Holland and Japan.

Therefore, a satisfactory and good solution of this problem to a great extend depend on the correct common-understanding and political will of the authorities, of the government of Japan, Holland and Indonesia.

* * *

I think this is the best way to see the problem of past history relating to the specific relation between the people of Holland, Indonesia and Japan.

This is my own story and understanding of this problem:

On August 07, 1999, I attended a meeting in Amsterdam on the folowing theme: Reflections on Japanese Occupation of Indonesia. In a written statement I put this question:

"What is it that dominates in the
reflection on the Japanese Occupation in the three respective countries,
Indonesia, the Netherlands and Japan?"
 
My brief observation on the subject as mentioned above.
 I )
For more than a half century, perhaps until this minute, opinions
and reflections held by not a view circles in Holland, concerning the
Japanese occupation of the Netherlands-Indies (now the Republic of
Indonesia), were mostly if not all, are -- on the sufferings of the Dutch
people, especially women, children and the elderly, in the many
internment-camp put up by the Japanese Army in Indonesia. This is
understandable.
 
Their reflections and thoughts, perhaps logically, (because of the
fact that they are protagonists of the colonial administration of the
Netherlands-Indies) were not of the conditions of the Indonesian
people. They seldom touch upon the general conditions and situation of
that time, such as:
 
"The policy and the responsibility of the administration of the
Netherlands Indies in Batavia, and the Government of the Kingdom of the
Netherlands in The Hague, at that time, vis a vis the problem of the
Japanese plan to conquer the whole of East Asia, including the Dutch
East Indies. Did the Dutch authorities made serious and enough
preparation on this problem?"
 
Facts and developments show that the Dutch Government pursued an
irresponsible policy towards the people of Indonesia. What really was
in the mind of the Dutch Government was not the wellbeing and
preparedness of the Indonesian people, but the wish to safeguard the
Netherlands-Indies as an appendix of Holland and to maintain Indonesia
as a colony, after the war is over.
 
II).
For the protagonists of the 'status quo' of the Dutch-Indies,
Indonesians who were not fighting against the Japanese occupationists,
worse, those who cooperated with the Japanese, are 'collaborators'.
Esepcially personalities as Sukarno, the late president of the Republic
of Indonesia, Mohammad Hatta, the late Vice Presiden of the RI, and
others, were simple "collaborators".
 
They particularly branded Bung Karno for 'collaboratoring' with 'the
enemy'. They desrcibed Sukarno as another 'Quisling'. They maintained
that Sukarno verify and took part in the mobilization of the 'romusha'
(forced labourers) by the Japanese occupation force, who were compelled
to work for the Japanese war machine. Under the Japanese sponsored
'romusha' project hundreds of many thousands of Indonesian men
have met their death. And Sukarno was blamed for this tragedy.
 
However, this way of seeing things, does not tally with the reality
during the Japanese occupation of Indonesia. This kind of argumentation
could be justified "if' Bung Karno and Bung Hatta were Dutch, serving at
the bureaucracy of the Dutch-Indies Government. If they were Dutch or
serving under the Dutch colonial rule, then it was right to brand them
as 'collaborators'. But, they were not! Moreover, they were against the
Ducth. Together with other freedom fighters of Indonesia, they were
opposing the Dutch colonial authorities and struggle for the independece
of Indonesia.
 
So, Bung Karno, Bung Hatta, and other freedom-fighters, did not, and
will never stand on the same side as the Dutch colonial government and
community in Indonesia. The Indonesians were never (from the viewpoint
of the Dutch) "us", so to say. They were 'inlander' (indigenous people),
i.e.second or third rank citizens of their own country. And we,
Indonesians, never regard the Dutch as "us". In essence the Indonesian
freedom fighters were 'enemies' of the Dutch colonialism. Thus, when
another enemy of the Dutch, the Japanese, came to Indonesia and swept
away the entire Dutch colonial army and adminstration, --- was it strange
that the Indonesians did not take side with the Dutch? Instead, the
Indonesians welcomed the Japanese! In the light of the concrete
conditions at the time, it was an illusion and wishful thinking, to
hope that Indonesians would sympathize with the Dutch and oppose the
arrival of the Japanese army.
 Consider the following points:

 First point:
The attitude of wide circles of Indonesian freedom fighters
and of the general public towards the 'arrival' of the Japanese army was
the following: The Japanese army was seen with admiration as a 'mighty
force of an Asian country, which was able to sweep away the 'strong'
British Army, an European army, (in Malaya amd Singapore), and the Dutch KNIL in no time. Until that time, the 'White Men', rulers of the colonies in Asia,
were regarded as 'superior' in comparison with any coloured Asian
people.
 
I think it is not a mistake to note that the Japanese troops were, more
or less, welcomed by the public, as an Asian power that are superior
than the Westerners. (Intermezo: I have to tell you here, that at that
time I was among the many Indonesians who welcomed the Japanese troops
coming from Banten on their bikes. We believed, wrongly of course, that
the Japanese were better than the Dutch).

Second point:
The policy of "de-Hollandisation" pursued by the Japanese
in Indonesia. At the one hand, Indonesians were obliged to learn
Japanese, but, on the other hand, in one night the Dutch language, the
official langguage of the Dutch-Indies, spoken only by the rulers, the
highranking bureaucracy and the elites of Indonesia, was replaced by the
Bahasa Indonesia.. The names of all roads, boulevards, streets and ways,
shops, offices, schools, buildings, monuments and textbooks down from
the basic school up to the university, that beforehand were in the Dutch
language, were changed - or translated- into the Indonesian language:
the bahasa. One can not overlook the feelings of joy and pride of the
Indonesians being 'their own'. It was this emotion that dominates the
political atmosphere. Of course that was, before Indonesians later knew
by their own experience that the Japanese were simply new overlords,
who in many cases were even worse than the colonial Hollanders.
 
The third point:
In pursuing their Pacific-War efforts, the Japanese trained hundreds of thousands of Indonesian youth in military excercise and discipline. The Japanese were making Indonesians 'cannon fodders' for their war against the Allied. Strange enough, the arrival of the Japanese, to a great extent have sore up the natinalistic and patriotic feelings of most Indonesians. Especially the Japanese military training the Indonesians were going through, resulted in such an atmosphere. Starting from the higher classes of basic schools up to the higher learning, the youth and students were obliged to pass through military training. Apart from this, members of Japanese formed Indonesian youth organizations such as the 'Three A Youth Movement' (AAA), the 'Seinendan' and the 'Keibodan' got military training too. This kind of situation can not even be dreamed about by Indonesian under Dutch rule.The Netherlands-Indies authorities were afraid to arm Indonesians for the purpose of opposing Japanese invasion. The Dutch were afraid that, some time in the future, who knows, the Indonesians will turn their guns (provided by the Dutch) against the Dutch themselves. What the Dutch agreed upon was the rearming of the KNIL (a professional colonial army who were trained to suppress the people) and the training of a handful of 'Stadswacht' soldiers, who were poorly armed to 'defend' the big cities against the Japanese invasion..
 
The Nationalist leaders such as Bung Karno and Hatta, managed to get concessions from the Japanese authorities, that Indonesian youth who were recruted in a regular army, be organized into two types of armies. One type: the 'Heiho', officially a Japanese-army. They were directly commanded by Japanese officers, and will be sent at any place needed by the Japanese. The second type: called the 'PETA'.(Pembela Tanah Air, meaning Defenders of the Motherland) an Indonesian army, still under the Japanese high command. But, from the batallion level down, commanded by Indonesian officers. The 'Heiho', directly under the Japanese command, were to fight against the Allied. The 'PETA', will be stationed in the home-country, to defend the motherland. This was an important compromise between the Japanese and the Indonesian nationalist leaders. Most important for the Indonesian leaders were the fact that a good number of Indonesian youth receive militry training and armed. This was a very important preparation in anticipation of the coming situation, in which the Pacific-War will end with the defeat of the Japanese.
 
As developments confirm, the initial Indonesian armed forces at the beginning of the 'August 1945 Revolution', consisted mainly of the youth who during the Japanese occupation received military training by the Japanese, in different youth organization and educational institution, as well as in the regular army of 'Heiho' and 'PETA'.
Eventhough the new Indonesian armed forces were mainly trained by the Japanese , and to a certain extend influenced by militaristic ideas, they were, however, remoulded politically during the 'August National Revolution', and have become the new defender of the Republic of Indonesia. Even during the Japanese occupation they got political education by Bung Karno and Bung Hatta, in preparation for the day of independece which was to come.
 
Fourth point:
Immediately after the arrival of the Japanese army in Indonesia, as told by the late Subadio Sastrosatomo, former leader of the Indonesian Socialist Party and MP, in his booklet "Sukarno is Indonesia, and Indonesia is Sukarno" (1995), Bung Karno, Bung Hatta and Sutan Syahrir had a secret meeting to formulate tactics vis a vis the Japanese. Sutan Syahrir and some of his friends, incl. Subadio, and others were not
ready to cooperate with the Japanese, they prefer to work underground. Bung Karno and Bung Hatta, and others, chose the tactics of 'cooperation' with the Japanese. Bung Karno and Bung Hatta, deligently making use of the opportunity and facilities given by the Japanese, have politically educated the people, especially the youth, by so doing have successfully trained them as freedom fighters. One cannot see a
month pass by without seeing or listening to the political speeches by Bung Karno in public meetings throughout the country.
 
The political speeches were also made before the young people of the PETA. Through their work in politically educating the people, Bung Karno and Bung Hatta, were recognized as leaders of Indonesia by the people.Thus Subadio.
 
What Bung Karno and Bung Hatta were doing was the difficult work of
'nation-building' of Indonesia.
 
Fifth point, The political, mental and physical preparation done by the Indonesian leaders under the Japanese occupation, , were finally to become the fundamental and final conditions, for Indonesia to be able to proclaim their independence in August 1945.
 
It was also the coordination between the open, legal work with the underground work of our founding-fathers that has made the proclamation of the independence of Indonesia possible.
 
Our leaders have made a delligent use of the existing contradiction between the occupying Japanese army and the Allied troops, and the contradictions that exist between the Ducth and the Japanese, as well as the contradictions among all those forces: the Dutch, the Japanese, and the British.
 
It would be wrong, if, at the time of the occupation of the Japanese, the Indonesians were frontally directed against the Japanese occupation force. It would be a mistake if the nationalist leaders, were at the first place to organizse and mobilize the people to cooperate and support the Allied froces, including the Dutch, oppose and fight
against the Japanese occupation.
 
Without understanding this, it would be very difficult to understand, why the Indonesians never accept the accusation of the Dutch and the West, against Sukarno and Hatta, that they were 'collaborators' of the Japanese.
 
It would also be difficult to understand the opinion of Indonesians that during the Japanese occupation, the Indonesian fighters for freedom, undergoing the political education of our 'founding fathers', and the physical training, were, so to say, being prepared to finally fight and seize freedom for ourselves.
 
Final point:
Now, it is time, it seems, to conclude that, as long as the misundertanding on the Dutch side concerning the period of the Japanese occupation of the Netherlands Indies, especially on the accusations against Bung Karno, Bung Hatta and others, of being 'collaborators', remain unsloved, so long will this issue be a serious obstacle in the good and friendly relations between the two countries.
 
When this misunderstanding is cleared and the two sides brought to a mutual understanding, the two countries and people, Indonesia and the Netherlands, will hopefully, coexist and cooperate in a new spirit of friendship and harmony.

* * *
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I think it is important for you to know the opinion of a Dutch journalist, Mrs Tjitske Lingsma: after paying a study-visit to the Molouccas, Indonesia, at the time of religious conflict between the Christians and the Moslems in the Moloccus. She wrote a.o :
Everything what I saw call for an answer: who ocherstrated the events here : -- who are the victims, and who are the perpetrators. Thus began my search for the roots of the conflict, that took me back to the far past. I discovered how the VOC – the United East-Indies Companies – under the governor-general, Jan Pieter Zoon Coen, has murdered entire population of the islands. .
I discovered how the VOC committed murder in order to seize the monopolty of the spice-trade. To my bewilderment did I hear prime minister Balkenende plead (in the Dutch Parliament) for a return to the mentality of the VOC.

Lingsma again:
Those war atrocities were made in the 17th century. Recent history provide ys with other tragic example. For instance during the war of subjugation of Aceh (1873-1912 and the 'pacification' of Lombok. Ot just think about captain Raymond Westerling and his Depot Special Troops ( a unit, with many Indonesias) that during the 1946-1947 counter-terror campaign, burned to the ground scores of villages, tortures and killed (according to Ducth estimates) 3.130 villagers. Indonesian sources claimed over 40.000 people villagers killed.
Dutch war-victims always demand the excuses of Japan for their war-crimes during World War II. The same demand as put forward by the German Nazi vistims who are demanding an excuse for their crimes. It is right to acknowlede victims of the two horrible.
“Therefore it is proper for the Dutch government to ask for an forgiveness for their deeds, not only during three years, but as long asl three centuries. This will perhaps not only remove the hard feelings and sufferings within the Indonesian people”, says Tjitske.

This gesture could create a more realistic view among Indonesians towards the Dutch, during their colonial past.

Tjiske are of the opinion, the the Dutch can learn from Germany. Due to the fact that the Dutch has difficulty to make the same gesture for their past mistakes during the colonial period in Indonesia.

Tjitske: “I think it is time to fully recognize 17 August 1945, as the date of Indonesian independence. To take our responsibility and to apologize an show our regret for the victims of violence, killings, tortures and terror, we have committed in Indonesia”.

As an example, Tjitske menioned Chanchellor Willy Brandts of the Federal Republic of Germany who kneel before the victims of the Warsaw Ghetto Revolt, or to bow before the Berlin monument for Jewish victims in Europe.

* * *

Ladies and gentlemen,

You may raise the question why do I make in my speech, so to say, many quotatins of others. They are actually not merely 'others'. They are historians, journalists who has made a study of Indonesia past. But the main reason I quote them, because they are saying the truth. Because I share their findings and opinion. And because, to undestand Indonesia and her relation with the past colonial history, people should know this.

Hence I am going to tell you of still another opinion.

A Dutch anthropologist and historian, FRED LANZING, himself an inmate of the internment-camp at Tjideng, Jakarta, during the Japanese occupation, wrote a revealing and in the weekly 'Groene Amsterdammer', of August 12, 2010. He pointely wrote: “NIET MEER BEDELEN OM EXCUSES”. He meant to say, don't beg anymote for excuses from the Japanese for the disaster and misfortune we suffered during the Japanese occuation of the Nedherlands-Indies.

He was commenting on a book of poems written by a wellknown writer in Holland, MARION BLOEM. Lanzing wrote that the book of Main Bloem does not contribute to the truth-findings about the war in former Netherlands-Indies.
The picture of unbroken sufferings of the inmates of the internment-camp and terror by the Japanese, is not true.

Lanzing: This year, 65 years ago, is the year that Japan surrendered. I plea the war in the Netherlands-Indies, the Pacific-War, be sent to pension. It is time for my generation, who themselves have suvered the hurricane of war, to drive away from our hearts and our heads. That we decide for us to regard the past-war as a histsorical happening. Let us renounce of again and again recall memories of the pain of the past. It is time for healing, forgetting, rest of soul.

* * *

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I have come to the end of my observation.
I completely share the opinion and good-will of all the personalities whom I have quoted in my speech.

Let us begin a new leaf of healing and RECOLCILIATION!

At the same time urging the respective government of Holland, Japan and Indonesia, to be true and honest to the facts of history.

* * *
Esay-esay IBRAHIM ISA dimuat lengkap di http://ibrahimisa.blogspot.com/



IBRAHIM ISA - Berbagi Cerita
Senin, 11 Oktober 2010
------------------------------------------

SUMBANGAN Pada Konferensi Dialog Nederland-Jepang Untuk Rekonsiliasi

Tanpa undangan Ny. Jeanne Ham (mantan Sekretaris 'Vereniging JIN' - Japans Indische Nakomelingen- Perkumpulan Keturunan Jepang-Indonesia-Belanda) dan Prof. dr T. Muraoka ( dari kalangan gereja Protestan, mantan gurubesar bahasa dan sastra Hebrew pada Universitas Utrecht), untuk bicara di Konferensi (Ke-14) Dialog Nederland-Jepang , aku samasekali tak tahu tentang eksistensi dan kegiatan penting pelbagai organisasi/lembaga di Belanda. Yang tujuannya adalah kepedulian dengan para keturunan Jepang-Indonesia/Belanda. Konferensi diselenggarakan untuk mencapai haridepan yang damai dan kerjasama atas dasar saling-mengerti dan rekonsiliasi.

Demikianlah ceritanya: Pada hari Sabtu, 09 Oktober yang lalu aku hadir dan bicara di konferensi Dialog Nederland-Jepang itu.

Perlu ditekankan, bahwa tujuan utama konferensi Dialog tsb adalah untuk saling mendengar pengalaman dan kisah masing-masing, baik dari fihak asal Belanda, asal Jepang maupun asal Indonesia. Ataupun dari kalangan generasi baru Jepang, sesudah perang. Dalam konferensi itulah didengar mereka-mereka yang orangtuanya mengalami periode kamp-interniran Jepang di Indonesia. Suatu zaman pancaroba/perubahan besar yang melihatkan mereka --sesaat setelah bangsa kita mememproklamasikan kemerdekaan dan dimulainya Perang Kemerdekaan Indonesia melawan kolonialisme Belanda ( 1945-1949).

* * *

Bicara di Konferensi Dialog Nederland-Jepang yang dihadiri kurang-lebih 70 peserta, a.l dr Mariska Heijmans. Sebagai historikus ia menguraikan situasi dan keadaan para penghuni kamp-kamp interniran Belanda yang dididirikan tentara Jepang di Indonesia,. Diuraikan kondisi dan situasi yang menyangkut mereka, sesudah Proklamasi Kemerdekaan Indonesia. Juga bicara seorang dari generasi muda Jepang, Yukiko Yokohata, seorang historikus, sekitar wanita-wanita yang dipaksa jadi prostitusi militer Jepang.

Cerita sekitar Konferensi tsb bisa panjang bisa singkat. Masalahnya cukup besar. Menyangkut sejarah tiga bangsa - Belanda-Jepang dan Indonesia. Namun cerita ini bisa juga dibuat singkat-padat. Bagi yang menaruh perhatian bisa mendalami dan memperluas pengetahuannya menyangkut masalah tsb dengan mengakses informasi di media internet.

* * *

Di bawah ini disajikan sambuanku dalam Konferensi tsb. Konferensi menggunakan bahasa pengantar Inggris dan Belanda. Sambutanku kubuat dalam bahasa Inggris. Cukup panjang. Mengambil waktu sekitar 45 menit. Meskipun sambutan tsb cukup panjang, namun, aku tak menduga mendapat sambutan hangat dan persetujuan dari sebagian terbesar hadirin.

IBRAHIM ISA
Voorbug, October 9th, 2010
-------------------------------------

A CONTRIBUTION TO THE NETHERLANDS – JAPAN DIALOGUE FOR RECONCILIATION

Ladies and gentlemen,

Let me start my observation, at today's gathering, --- with these words: --- Sincere thanks to Mme Jeanne Ham and Prof Muraoka, who sent me the invitation. I feel honoured to be a participant of this important gathering of reconciliation.

Before outlining my views on the theme of the agenda of this meeting, I would like to make a brief introduction of myself, IBRAHIM ISA, of Indonesian origin, and Dutch citizen since 1989.

* * *

I have dedicated a greater part of my life for the cause of emancipation of the Indonesian nation. And, it is still so, at 80 today. This explain why, after becoming a Dutch citizen, I have accepted the invitation of dr. Coen Holtzappel, Chairman of the Executive Board of Stichting Wertheim, to become member of the Board, as Secretary. The Wertheim Foundation, established 20 years ago on the occasion of Wertheim's 80th birthday – came into being for the sole purpose of making contribution to the struggle of Indonesia for national emancipation.

Allow me to tell you a beautiful event in my personal history in relation to the Netherlands. It is rather 'unique', at the same time remarkable. Sixtyfive years ago, 1945, Indonesia proclaimed her Independence. A war of independence broke out between Indonesia and Holland, which lasted for 4 years. At that time I joined the struggle. I became an active participant to the Indonesian independence-war against the Dutch, who refused to recognize Indonesian independence and started a war of suppression and annihilation against the Republic of Indonesia.

Here comes the 'unique' part of my story. Years later, in 1986, I and my family, came to Holland, a country of a former adversary. For what? I came to request for asylum in Holland. Because of the suppressive regime of General Suharto. Is it not remarkable? How events can develop in such a turn? But in 1989, the Dutch governnment, abiding by the international and European convention to protect politycal refugees from an oppressive regime, -- gave political asylum to me and my family. How thankful I am to the Dutch government!

Arriving in Holland at the end of 1986, as political refugee, I made my mind to do my bit for mutual understanding and mutual respect, for co-operation and mutual benefit for the two nations and countries, Indonesia and the Netherlands. It is not easy because Indonesia and Holland have a COMMON HISTTORY, full of sufferings and still of misunderstanding.

That is when formulated in a diplomatic polite wordings. But to 'tell a spade a spade', we Indonesians were a colonised people and country. While the Dutch were the colonizer. We were the underdog. The Dutch were the masters. We were the one who suffer. The Dutch were the beneficiaries! This is our past history.

The Pacific-War and the Proclamation of Indonesian Independence, by Sukarno and Moh. Hatta on behalf of the Indonesian people, and the compromise and agreement between Indonesia and Holland in 1949, after 4 years of war of independence, officially solved the problem of Dutch colonialism in Indonesia. It ended the subjugation of Indonesia by the Netherlands. But not completely!

Because there is the problem of West Irian. Papua as it is now called. When we proclaimed our independence in 1945, it is Indonesia from Sabang to Merauké, the former Netherlands-East Indies. But at the time of the compromise between Indonesia and Holland (1949), and the Dutch left Indonesia, the West Irian problem was not solved yet. Because the Dutch refused to leave Papua. This unsolved problem of West Irian, was later settled through the UNO. But the refusal of the Dutch to recognize the day of the Proclamation of the Independence of Indonsia August 17, 1945, as the day of INDONESIAN INDEPENDENCE, remains unsolved until today.


* * *

In the closing-speech of the last meeting, member of the directingroup, Mr Anton Stephan, pointed out that: knowledge of each sides, by telling and listening of each others personal life-history, – is the way to work in finding a way to an understanding of each others, and for reconcialiation.

Another participant of the last meeting, Mr Wim Lindeijer, said in his closing speech: “Without deniying the past, a way to the future should be found, free of hate and rancour, resentment and ill-feelings. It begins with each others' respect as humanbeings, not as enemies, anymore.”

Following the way as pointed by Mr Anton Stepanm and Mr Wim Lindeijer, I think it is proper for me, to tell you here my own story, my personal understanding of the past.

* * *

Ladies and Gentlemen,

We are here to find ways and means to come to a common understanding, on the impact of what has happened with the inmates of the Dutch-internment-camp during the Japanese military occupation of Indonesia. All what happened during the Japanese occupation of Indonesia, especially what has happened with the Dutch people in the internment-camps, occured in Indonesia. Thus, to come to an undersanding of the problem, it should be seen in relation with the historical background of the relations between Holland and Indonesia.

Thus it is in fact a triangle-relation problem, between Indonesia-Holland and Japan.

Therefore, a satisfactory and good solution of this problem to a great extend depend on the correct common-understanding and political will of the authorities, of the government of Japan, Holland and Indonesia.

* * *

I think this is the best way to see the problem of past history relating to the specific relation between the people of Holland, Indonesia and Japan.

This is my own story and understanding of this problem:

On August 07, 1999, I attended a meeting in Amsterdam on the folowing theme: Reflections on Japanese Occupation of Indonesia. In a written statement I put this question:

"What is it that dominates in the
reflection on the Japanese Occupation in the three respective countries,
Indonesia, the Netherlands and Japan?"
 
My brief observation on the subject as mentioned above.
 I )
For more than a half century, perhaps until this minute, opinions
and reflections held by not a view circles in Holland, concerning the
Japanese occupation of the Netherlands-Indies (now the Republic of
Indonesia), were mostly if not all, are -- on the sufferings of the Dutch
people, especially women, children and the elderly, in the many
internment-camp put up by the Japanese Army in Indonesia. This is
understandable.
 
Their reflections and thoughts, perhaps logically, (because of the
fact that they are protagonists of the colonial administration of the
Netherlands-Indies) were not of the conditions of the Indonesian
people. They seldom touch upon the general conditions and situation of
that time, such as:
 
"The policy and the responsibility of the administration of the
Netherlands Indies in Batavia, and the Government of the Kingdom of the
Netherlands in The Hague, at that time, vis a vis the problem of the
Japanese plan to conquer the whole of East Asia, including the Dutch
East Indies. Did the Dutch authorities made serious and enough
preparation on this problem?"
 
Facts and developments show that the Dutch Government pursued an
irresponsible policy towards the people of Indonesia. What really was
in the mind of the Dutch Government was not the wellbeing and
preparedness of the Indonesian people, but the wish to safeguard the
Netherlands-Indies as an appendix of Holland and to maintain Indonesia
as a colony, after the war is over.
 
II).
For the protagonists of the 'status quo' of the Dutch-Indies,
Indonesians who were not fighting against the Japanese occupationists,
worse, those who cooperated with the Japanese, are 'collaborators'.
Esepcially personalities as Sukarno, the late president of the Republic
of Indonesia, Mohammad Hatta, the late Vice Presiden of the RI, and
others, were simple "collaborators".
 
They particularly branded Bung Karno for 'collaboratoring' with 'the
enemy'. They desrcibed Sukarno as another 'Quisling'. They maintained
that Sukarno verify and took part in the mobilization of the 'romusha'
(forced labourers) by the Japanese occupation force, who were compelled
to work for the Japanese war machine. Under the Japanese sponsored
'romusha' project hundreds of many thousands of Indonesian men
have met their death. And Sukarno was blamed for this tragedy.
 
However, this way of seeing things, does not tally with the reality
during the Japanese occupation of Indonesia. This kind of argumentation
could be justified "if' Bung Karno and Bung Hatta were Dutch, serving at
the bureaucracy of the Dutch-Indies Government. If they were Dutch or
serving under the Dutch colonial rule, then it was right to brand them
as 'collaborators'. But, they were not! Moreover, they were against the
Ducth. Together with other freedom fighters of Indonesia, they were
opposing the Dutch colonial authorities and struggle for the independece
of Indonesia.
 
So, Bung Karno, Bung Hatta, and other freedom-fighters, did not, and
will never stand on the same side as the Dutch colonial government and
community in Indonesia. The Indonesians were never (from the viewpoint
of the Dutch) "us", so to say. They were 'inlander' (indigenous people),
i.e.second or third rank citizens of their own country. And we,
Indonesians, never regard the Dutch as "us". In essence the Indonesian
freedom fighters were 'enemies' of the Dutch colonialism. Thus, when
another enemy of the Dutch, the Japanese, came to Indonesia and swept
away the entire Dutch colonial army and adminstration, --- was it strange
that the Indonesians did not take side with the Dutch? Instead, the
Indonesians welcomed the Japanese! In the light of the concrete
conditions at the time, it was an illusion and wishful thinking, to
hope that Indonesians would sympathize with the Dutch and oppose the
arrival of the Japanese army.
 Consider the following points:

 First point:
The attitude of wide circles of Indonesian freedom fighters
and of the general public towards the 'arrival' of the Japanese army was
the following: The Japanese army was seen with admiration as a 'mighty
force of an Asian country, which was able to sweep away the 'strong'
British Army, an European army, (in Malaya amd Singapore), and the Dutch KNIL in no time. Until that time, the 'White Men', rulers of the colonies in Asia,
were regarded as 'superior' in comparison with any coloured Asian
people.
 
I think it is not a mistake to note that the Japanese troops were, more
or less, welcomed by the public, as an Asian power that are superior
than the Westerners. (Intermezo: I have to tell you here, that at that
time I was among the many Indonesians who welcomed the Japanese troops
coming from Banten on their bikes. We believed, wrongly of course, that
the Japanese were better than the Dutch).

Second point:
The policy of "de-Hollandisation" pursued by the Japanese
in Indonesia. At the one hand, Indonesians were obliged to learn
Japanese, but, on the other hand, in one night the Dutch language, the
official langguage of the Dutch-Indies, spoken only by the rulers, the
highranking bureaucracy and the elites of Indonesia, was replaced by the
Bahasa Indonesia.. The names of all roads, boulevards, streets and ways,
shops, offices, schools, buildings, monuments and textbooks down from
the basic school up to the university, that beforehand were in the Dutch
language, were changed - or translated- into the Indonesian language:
the bahasa. One can not overlook the feelings of joy and pride of the
Indonesians being 'their own'. It was this emotion that dominates the
political atmosphere. Of course that was, before Indonesians later knew
by their own experience that the Japanese were simply new overlords,
who in many cases were even worse than the colonial Hollanders.
 
The third point:
In pursuing their Pacific-War efforts, the Japanese trained hundreds of thousands of Indonesian youth in military excercise and discipline. The Japanese were making Indonesians 'cannon fodders' for their war against the Allied. Strange enough, the arrival of the Japanese, to a great extent have sore up the natinalistic and patriotic feelings of most Indonesians. Especially the Japanese military training the Indonesians were going through, resulted in such an atmosphere. Starting from the higher classes of basic schools up to the higher learning, the youth and students were obliged to pass through military training. Apart from this, members of Japanese formed Indonesian youth organizations such as the 'Three A Youth Movement' (AAA), the 'Seinendan' and the 'Keibodan' got military training too. This kind of situation can not even be dreamed about by Indonesian under Dutch rule.The Netherlands-Indies authorities were afraid to arm Indonesians for the purpose of opposing Japanese invasion. The Dutch were afraid that, some time in the future, who knows, the Indonesians will turn their guns (provided by the Dutch) against the Dutch themselves. What the Dutch agreed upon was the rearming of the KNIL (a professional colonial army who were trained to suppress the people) and the training of a handful of 'Stadswacht' soldiers, who were poorly armed to 'defend' the big cities against the Japanese invasion..
 
The Nationalist leaders such as Bung Karno and Hatta, managed to get concessions from the Japanese authorities, that Indonesian youth who were recruted in a regular army, be organized into two types of armies. One type: the 'Heiho', officially a Japanese-army. They were directly commanded by Japanese officers, and will be sent at any place needed by the Japanese. The second type: called the 'PETA'.(Pembela Tanah Air, meaning Defenders of the Motherland) an Indonesian army, still under the Japanese high command. But, from the batallion level down, commanded by Indonesian officers. The 'Heiho', directly under the Japanese command, were to fight against the Allied. The 'PETA', will be stationed in the home-country, to defend the motherland. This was an important compromise between the Japanese and the Indonesian nationalist leaders. Most important for the Indonesian leaders were the fact that a good number of Indonesian youth receive militry training and armed. This was a very important preparation in anticipation of the coming situation, in which the Pacific-War will end with the defeat of the Japanese.
 
As developments confirm, the initial Indonesian armed forces at the beginning of the 'August 1945 Revolution', consisted mainly of the youth who during the Japanese occupation received military training by the Japanese, in different youth organization and educational institution, as well as in the regular army of 'Heiho' and 'PETA'.
Eventhough the new Indonesian armed forces were mainly trained by the Japanese , and to a certain extend influenced by militaristic ideas, they were, however, remoulded politically during the 'August National Revolution', and have become the new defender of the Republic of Indonesia. Even during the Japanese occupation they got political education by Bung Karno and Bung Hatta, in preparation for the day of independece which was to come.
 
Fourth point:
Immediately after the arrival of the Japanese army in Indonesia, as told by the late Subadio Sastrosatomo, former leader of the Indonesian Socialist Party and MP, in his booklet "Sukarno is Indonesia, and Indonesia is Sukarno" (1995), Bung Karno, Bung Hatta and Sutan Syahrir had a secret meeting to formulate tactics vis a vis the Japanese. Sutan Syahrir and some of his friends, incl. Subadio, and others were not
ready to cooperate with the Japanese, they prefer to work underground. Bung Karno and Bung Hatta, and others, chose the tactics of 'cooperation' with the Japanese. Bung Karno and Bung Hatta, deligently making use of the opportunity and facilities given by the Japanese, have politically educated the people, especially the youth, by so doing have successfully trained them as freedom fighters. One cannot see a
month pass by without seeing or listening to the political speeches by Bung Karno in public meetings throughout the country.
 
The political speeches were also made before the young people of the PETA. Through their work in politically educating the people, Bung Karno and Bung Hatta, were recognized as leaders of Indonesia by the people.Thus Subadio.
 
What Bung Karno and Bung Hatta were doing was the difficult work of
'nation-building' of Indonesia.
 
Fifth point, The political, mental and physical preparation done by the Indonesian leaders under the Japanese occupation, , were finally to become the fundamental and final conditions, for Indonesia to be able to proclaim their independence in August 1945.
 
It was also the coordination between the open, legal work with the underground work of our founding-fathers that has made the proclamation of the independence of Indonesia possible.
 
Our leaders have made a delligent use of the existing contradiction between the occupying Japanese army and the Allied troops, and the contradictions that exist between the Ducth and the Japanese, as well as the contradictions among all those forces: the Dutch, the Japanese, and the British.
 
It would be wrong, if, at the time of the occupation of the Japanese, the Indonesians were frontally directed against the Japanese occupation force. It would be a mistake if the nationalist leaders, were at the first place to organizse and mobilize the people to cooperate and support the Allied froces, including the Dutch, oppose and fight
against the Japanese occupation.
 
Without understanding this, it would be very difficult to understand, why the Indonesians never accept the accusation of the Dutch and the West, against Sukarno and Hatta, that they were 'collaborators' of the Japanese.
 
It would also be difficult to understand the opinion of Indonesians that during the Japanese occupation, the Indonesian fighters for freedom, undergoing the political education of our 'founding fathers', and the physical training, were, so to say, being prepared to finally fight and seize freedom for ourselves.
 
Final point:
Now, it is time, it seems, to conclude that, as long as the misundertanding on the Dutch side concerning the period of the Japanese occupation of the Netherlands Indies, especially on the accusations against Bung Karno, Bung Hatta and others, of being 'collaborators', remain unsloved, so long will this issue be a serious obstacle in the good and friendly relations between the two countries.
 
When this misunderstanding is cleared and the two sides brought to a mutual understanding, the two countries and people, Indonesia and the Netherlands, will hopefully, coexist and cooperate in a new spirit of friendship and harmony.

* * *
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I think it is important for you to know the opinion of a Dutch journalist, Mrs Tjitske Lingsma: after paying a study-visit to the Molouccas, Indonesia, at the time of religious conflict between the Christians and the Moslems in the Moloccus. She wrote a.o :
Everything what I saw call for an answer: who ocherstrated the events here : -- who are the victims, and who are the perpetrators. Thus began my search for the roots of the conflict, that took me back to the far past. I discovered how the VOC – the United East-Indies Companies – under the governor-general, Jan Pieter Zoon Coen, has murdered entire population of the islands. .
I discovered how the VOC committed murder in order to seize the monopolty of the spice-trade. To my bewilderment did I hear prime minister Balkenende plead (in the Dutch Parliament) for a return to the mentality of the VOC.

Lingsma again:
Those war atrocities were made in the 17th century. Recent history provide ys with other tragic example. For instance during the war of subjugation of Aceh (1873-1912 and the 'pacification' of Lombok. Ot just think about captain Raymond Westerling and his Depot Special Troops ( a unit, with many Indonesias) that during the 1946-1947 counter-terror campaign, burned to the ground scores of villages, tortures and killed (according to Ducth estimates) 3.130 villagers. Indonesian sources claimed over 40.000 people villagers killed.
Dutch war-victims always demand the excuses of Japan for their war-crimes during World War II. The same demand as put forward by the German Nazi vistims who are demanding an excuse for their crimes. It is right to acknowlede victims of the two horrible.
“Therefore it is proper for the Dutch government to ask for an forgiveness for their deeds, not only during three years, but as long asl three centuries. This will perhaps not only remove the hard feelings and sufferings within the Indonesian people”, says Tjitske.

This gesture could create a more realistic view among Indonesians towards the Dutch, during their colonial past.

Tjiske are of the opinion, the the Dutch can learn from Germany. Due to the fact that the Dutch has difficulty to make the same gesture for their past mistakes during the colonial period in Indonesia.

Tjitske: “I think it is time to fully recognize 17 August 1945, as the date of Indonesian independence. To take our responsibility and to apologize an show our regret for the victims of violence, killings, tortures and terror, we have committed in Indonesia”.

As an example, Tjitske menioned Chanchellor Willy Brandts of the Federal Republic of Germany who kneel before the victims of the Warsaw Ghetto Revolt, or to bow before the Berlin monument for Jewish victims in Europe.

* * *

Ladies and gentlemen,

You may raise the question why do I make in my speech, so to say, many quotatins of others. They are actually not merely 'others'. They are historians, journalists who has made a study of Indonesia past. But the main reason I quote them, because they are saying the truth. Because I share their findings and opinion. And because, to undestand Indonesia and her relation with the past colonial history, people should know this.

Hence I am going to tell you of still another opinion.

A Dutch anthropologist and historian, FRED LANZING, himself an inmate of the internment-camp at Tjideng, Jakarta, during the Japanese occupation, wrote a revealing and in the weekly 'Groene Amsterdammer', of August 12, 2010. He pointely wrote: “NIET MEER BEDELEN OM EXCUSES”. He meant to say, don't beg anymote for excuses from the Japanese for the disaster and misfortune we suffered during the Japanese occuation of the Nedherlands-Indies.

He was commenting on a book of poems written by a wellknown writer in Holland, MARION BLOEM. Lanzing wrote that the book of Main Bloem does not contribute to the truth-findings about the war in former Netherlands-Indies.
The picture of unbroken sufferings of the inmates of the internment-camp and terror by the Japanese, is not true.

Lanzing: This year, 65 years ago, is the year that Japan surrendered. I plea the war in the Netherlands-Indies, the Pacific-War, be sent to pension. It is time for my generation, who themselves have suvered the hurricane of war, to drive away from our hearts and our heads. That we decide for us to regard the past-war as a histsorical happening. Let us renounce of again and again recall memories of the pain of the past. It is time for healing, forgetting, rest of soul.

* * *

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I have come to the end of my observation.
I completely share the opinion and good-will of all the personalities whom I have quoted in my speech.

Let us begin a new leaf of healing and RECOLCILIATION!

At the same time urging the respective government of Holland, Japan and Indonesia, to be true and honest to the facts of history.

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Esay-esay IBRAHIM ISA dimuat lengkap di http://ibrahimisa.blogspot.com/

Penundaan "KUNJUNGAN" SBY Ke BELANDA, adalah B E N A R !

Kolom IBRAHIM ISA
Kemis, 07 Oktober 2010
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Penundaan "KUNJUNGAN" SBY Ke BELANDA, adalah B E N A R !

Ya, "kunjungan" diantara dua tanda kutip. Karena nyatanya "kunjungan SBY ke Belanda" d i t u n d a. Jangan salah faham, bukan 'dibatalkan', tetapi 'ditunda'. Entah sampai kapan. Pemerintah Belanda melalui juru-bicaranya mengharapkan bisa ditetapkan segera kapan kunjungan SBY akan berlangsung.

Maksud kunjungan SBY ke Belanda, bisa diantisipasi, bukan sekadar 'mau jalan-jalan' ke Holand. Seperti dinyatakan oleh kalangan pemerintah Indonesia, dalam kunjungan SBY tsb direncanakan untuk memperluas kerjasama dua negeri.

Yang 'ramai' dibicarakan oleh media Belanda dan Indonesia, beberapa hari ini, adalah sekitar penundaan kunjungan kenegaraan Presiden Indonesia SBY ke negeri Belanda memenuhi undangan Ratu Beatrix. Selasa kemarin, bisa disaksikan di TV Belanda (NOS-Journal), Presiden SBY menyatakan di muka puluhan wartawan, bahwa ia menunda keberangkatan kunjungan kenegaraan ke negeri Belanda. Alasan penundaan tsb ialah: (kutip):, sbb:

Sebabnya adalah sidang kasus penuntutan terhadap Presiden Republik Indonesia di pengadilan Den Haag yang mulai digelar sore kemarin (waktu Belanda).
"Ada pergerakan yang menuntut soal hak asasi manusia di Indonesia dan menuntut agar Presiden RI ditangkap," kata Presiden. "Yang mengajukan tuntutan adalah organisasi yang di dalamnya ada RMS (Republik Maluku Selatan)." 
Menurut Yudhoyono, ancaman keamanan terhadap seorang kepala negara di luar negeri merupakan hal lazim.

"Tapi, kalau sampai digelar pengadilan, (ini) menyangkut harga diri sebagai bangsa," kata Yudhoyono dalam jumpa pers di Halim dengan suara serak dan bergetar.

* * *

Di lihat dari pandangan 'kebiasaan internasional', hubungan antar-bangsa-bangsa yang setara di masyarakat mancanegara, --- dengan tujuan: memperkuat saling-mengerti dan saling menghargai dalam rangka memajukan kerjasama antar-negara, dipelbagai bidang, seperti ekonomi, ilmu-teknologi dan kebudayaan, --- maka antara lain yang penting adalah melakukan saling-kunjungan diantara kedua kepala negara dan kepala pemerintahan. Ini adalah praktek-internasional yang berlangsung sejak berdirinya negara-negara. Juga adalah praktek-internasional, bahwa dalam rangka mempersiapkan saling-berkunjung, masing-masing menciptakan situasi yang kondusif di kedua negara, terutama di negara yang akan menjadi tuan rumah, agar kunjungan tsb mencapai hasil yang direncanakan dan diharapkan.

Situasi atau suasana yang kondusif agar kunjungan kenegaraan itu berhasil, biasanya diusahakan benar oleh fihak 'tuan-rumah'. Yaitu negara yang mengundang.

Dalam kasus kunjungan Presiden Indonesia SBY ke Belanda, diharapkan negeri dan pemerintah Belanda, yang lebih banyak berbuat menciptakan situasi dan suasana yang kondusif, untuk berhasilnya kunjungan seperti diharapkan oleh kedua belah fihak.

Dari fihak Indonesia, menurut berita memang ada rencana untuk memperluas hubungan kerjasama RI-Belanda di pelbagai bidang.

Dilihat dari tujuan Indonesia, -- apa yang hendak dicapainya dalam pertemuan RI-Belanda tingkat kepala pemerintahan, maka sungguh situasi dan suasana politik Belanda tidak mendukung tercapainya maksud memajukan lebih lanjut kerjasama kedua negeri. Apa yang bisa dikerjakan oleh sebuah pemerintah Balkenende yang DOMINIONER? Pemerintah Balkenende yang domisioner TIDAK PUNYA WEWENANG, untuk bikin program dan acara yang baru dengan negeri manapun. Sebuah pemerintah domisioner HANYA bisa mengerjakan/mentuntaskan program-program yang sedang berjalan. Adalah pemerintah yang akan dibentuk sebagai hasil pemilu 9 Juni 2010, yang punya wewenang itu.

Cobalah perhatikan situasi politik Belanda dewasa ini: Pemilu sudah berlangsung sejak 09 Juni 2010. Pemenang adalah parpol Liberal Kanan, VVD. Nomor dua kursi terbanyak di Tweede Kamer adalah PvdA, Partai Buruh. Nomor tiga adalah PVV, sebuah parpol Ekstrim-Kanan yang anti-Islam dan anti-orang asing. Partai Buruh (PvdA) yang menduduki kursi kedua besar, tak berhasil mau bentuk pemerintahan 'Paars Plus', yaitu pemerintahan Tengah Kiri, yang terdiri dari PvdA, CDA, D66, dan Groen Links.

Sudah 4 bulan berlalu. Tetapi Belanda masih belum berhasil membentuk pemerintah yang stabil. Dua parpol VVD (Liberal Kanan) dan sayap Kanan dari CDA (Kristen Demokrat, tengah-kanan), dengan 'gedoogsteun', dukungan 'permisif' dari PVV, berrencana membentuk pemerintah Kanan Minoriti. Parpol PVV mendukung usaha VVD dan CDA, tanpa duduk didalamnya tapi aktif sekali sebagai 'dukun beranak' penting kabinet Kanan Minoriti VVD-CDA itu.

* * *

Cobalah bayangkan! Mau apa SBY di Belanda dengan situasi politik Belanda seperti itu??? Kan bukan untuk jalan-jalan ke Volendam atau ke Rijksmuseum melihat-lihat lukisan Rembrandt?? Atau hendak santai-santai berlayar di kanal-kanal Amsterdam yang memang indah itu?

Tambah lagi gencar-gencarnya kegiatan orang-orang RMS yang dengan dukungan politisi-politisi Belanda yang masih gandrung Indonesia dipecah-belah. Tidak lain dengan maksud agar Indonesia bisa dengan lebih mudah dikuasai melalui politik 'Devide et Empera' . Melalui suatu proses pengadilan Den Haag, mereka-mereka itu hendak menangkap SBY begitu mendarat di Schiphol.

Jelas, pemerintah dimisioner Balkenende samasekali tak ada usaha mencegah diajukannya tuntutan RMS itu ke pengadilan Den Haag. Reaksi keras SBY dengan menunda kunjungannya ke Belanda, tampak ada dampaknya. Pengadilan Den Haag menolak tuntutan orang-orang Belanda/ RMS itu.

Permainan politik Den Haag itu tidak bisa di-interpretasikan lain. Belanda samasekali tidak ada maksud untuk menerima SBY sebagai tamu terhormat. Sebaliknya segala sesuatu menunjukkan bahwa penguasa negeri ini membiarkan saja perkembangan kegiatan RMS, yag jelas apa tujuannya.

* * *

Maka, dipandang dari segi 'toto-kromo' diplomatik, --- sebuah pemerintah (dalam hal ini pemerintah Balkenende> yang mengundang kepala negara lain -- situasi hubungan RI-Nederland dewasa ini adalah J E L E K . Pemerintah demisioner Balkenende, samasekali tidak berbuat apa-apa untuk menciptakan 'situasi bersahabat' antara Nederland-Indonesia, menjelang kunjungan SBY.

Sebaliknya, yang dilakukan Kementerian Luara Negeri Belanda adalah ---- 'menjéwér' Dubes RI, F. Habibie, bersangkutan dengan ucapannya yang kritis sekitar Geert Wilders dan pemilih PVV, yang anti-Islam itu.

Dari segi sitasi politik umum Belanda yang masih 'tak menentu' dengan kemungkinan terbentuknya pemerintah Kanan Minoriti yang secara 'permisif' diudukung oleh sebuah parpol PVV yang anti-ISLAM--- kunjungan SBY ke Belanda dalam situasi seperti itu, adalah K O N Y O L .

Seharusnya, Dubes RI untuk Belanda, F. Habibie, jauh-jauh hari sudah melaporkan hal ini semua kepada SBY. Kalau jauh-jauh hari kunjungan SBY ditunda, karena situasi yang tidak kondusif itu, maka tak perlu muncul komentar-kometar sinis bahwa SBY 'takut' keamanannya terancam.

Walhasil, betapapun, ----- penundaan saat-saat terakhir yang dilakukan oleh Presiden SBY ADALAH B E N A R .

Kunjungilah Belanda dalam siatuasi yang lebih baik bagi promosi saling mengerti dan saling menghormati antara Indonesia dan Nederland. Hanya atas dasar itu kerjasama dan perkembangan hubungan dua ngeri bisa dimajukan. Tidak dalam situasi BELANDA YANG AMBURADUL sekarang ini.

* * *