IN MEMORIAM HERU ATMODJO

Kolom IBRAHIM ISA
Minggu, 30 Januari 2011
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IN MEMORIAM HERU ATMODJO
Semoga Arwahnya Diterima Disisi Tuhan Y.M.E.

Kemarin sahabatku Bonnie Triyana mengirimkan berita bahwa HERU ATMODJO, telah meninggal dunia di Jakarta Sabtu yang lalu. Inna lillahi wa inna ilaihi raji'un. Semoga seluruh keluarga Heru Atmojo tabah melalui masa musibah ini. Amien!

Heru Atmodjo kukenal beberapa tahun yang lalu ketika kami bersama alm Ir Setiadi ( yang semasa hidupnya dua kali menjabat sebagai menteri dalam kabinet Presiden Sukarno, dipenjarakan Orba, kemudian ketika meninggal setelah jatuhnya Suharto, juga dimakamkan di Taman Pahlawan>; dan dr Tjiptaning memerlukan pergi ke Jenewa, Swiss, menghadiri sidang Komisi Hak-Hak Manusia PBB. Heru Atmodjo ketika itu bergabung dalam sebuah delegasi Indonesia – Pakorba, Paguyuban Korban Orde Baru, yang diketuai oleh dr Tjiptaning . Kami banyak bertukar fikiran selama berkunjung ke Jenewa itu. Hampir setiap malam cakap-cakap karena kami bertiga, Ir Setiadi dan Heru Atmodjo tinggal di satu kamar dengan tempat tidur bersusun, di sebuah penginapan mahasiswa yang ongkosnya oleh masing-masing masih bisa ditanggung.

Kesanku: Heru Atmodjo adalah seorang pejuang/aktivis yang gigih, membela hal-hal yang dianggapnya benar dan adil. Maka tidak kebetulan bahwa ia anggota aktif Pakorba, dan beberapa organisasi kemanusiaan dan demokratis lainnya. Sebagai seorang pembela Presiden Sukarno bersama beberapa perwira lainnya ia dipenjarakan oleh rezim Orba. Atas tuduhan dan fitnahan keji melakukan makar terhadap negara.

Situasi berubah cukup drastis ketika atas desakan dan tuntutan massa rakyat luas yang dipelopori oleh kaum muda, mahasiswa dan pelajar, berkobar menggelora dan berhasil menumbangkan takhta kepresidenan Jendral Suharto.

Perubahan suasana politik setelah jatuhnya Suharto, dirasakan khusus sekarang ini, ketika jenazah Let-Kol AURI Heru Atmodjo mendapat kehormatan, dari Auri dan pemerintah, dimakamkan di pemakaman TAMAN PAHLAWAN, dengan upacara pemakaman TNI.

Seperti diberitakan oleh penulis Singapura May Swan (yang diterimanya melalui berita SMS dari seorang sahabat dari Jakarta), sbb:

“Upacara pemakaman protokoler TNI kamarade Heru dari pk 13.00 – 14.30 wib berlangsung hikmat. Banyak kw hadir baik dr angkatan tua mopun pemuda, mahasiswa, aktivis LSM, disamping keluarga besar alm. Atas nama TNI/Pemerintah mengucapkan penghargaan atas bhakti, kesetiaan dan jasa serta pengabdian alm kepada RI. Upacara kemiliteran satu regu prajurit2 AURI melakukan salvo senjata, pengeningan cipta dan diiringi musik penghormatan terakhir bagi sang pahlawan.”

Bagi sahabat-sahabat Heru Atmodjo dalam perjuangan bersama membela keadilan khususnya bagi para korban persekusi rezim militer Jendral Suharto, dan bagi kalangan luas para korban Peristiwa 1965 beserta keluarganya yang jumlahnya puluhan juta itu; -- dimakamkannya Heru Atmodjo di Taman Pahlawan, dirasakan sebagai rehabilitasi terhadap nama baik Heru Atmodjo dan keluarganya, yang selama puluhan tahun seperti para korba pelanggaran HAM Orba lainnya, difitnah dan dituduh secara keji, oleh rezim Presiden Suharwto, dianggap orang 'yang bermasalah'. Bahkan telah divonis oleh Mahmilub Orba.

S.k. Jakarta berbahasa Inggris 'The Jakata Post', memberitakan hari ini, mengenai meninggalnya Letkol Heru Atmodjo sbb: ´Controversial Airfoce Officer dies as national hero`. Perwira Angkatan Udara yang kontroversial meninggal sebagai pahlawan`.


Perhatikan apa yang diberitakan dari Jakarta:

Atas nama TNI/Pemerintah mengucapkan penghargaan atas bhakti, kesetiaan dan jasa serta pengabdian alm kepada RI.

* * *

Heru Atmodjo telah berpulang ke Rakhmatullah. Tenanglah di tempat peristirahatan terakhir. Namamu pulih sebagai seorang perwira Angkatan Udara Repubnlik Indonesia yang setia dan sepenuhnya mengabdi pada Republik Indonesia.

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FACEBOOK HOW WONDERFUL YOU ARE!!

IBRAHIM ISA - Berbagi Cerita

Jum'at, 28 Januari 2011

------------------------------------

FACEBOOK HOW WONDERFUL YOU ARE!!



My dear friends, ------ Bung Bonnie, Bung Joss, Tossi, Alpha, Reza, Eko, Suribidari, Mae Ilyas, Drigo Tobing, Mayanti Trikarini, Subagus, Hilda Ismail, SuTjeng, Hera, Njoo, Kutfhi, Hersri, Latifha, Budi Jarot, Andree Isa, Anton, Irmadjoko, Dien Rieny Saraswati, Siswa, Ajeng, Suabgus, Kala Yahya, Anton, dll, dll . . . . dan banyak lainnya.



Siapa nama-nama itu? Beberapa adalah memang kenalan lama, bahkan famili dan kemenakan sendiri. Ada historikus muda seperti Bonnie, sahabat kentalku. Lalu ada Sasha dan Maya, dll.



Kebanyakan kukenal melalui FACEBOOK ini. Sungguh wonderful! Apalagi tambah kenalan dan kontak begitu banyak, begitu cepat. Dewasa ini aku sudah kontak dengan hampir 600 'kenalan baru'. Pada pokoknya mereka itu semua berkemauan baik!! Tinggi semangatnya untuk PERUBAHAN dabn MAJU.



Bukankah itu WONDERFUL!!??. Thanks Facebook!

Boleh dong kita ucapkan terima kasih alamat Facebook. Meskipun pemilik dan pengelolanya sudah menjadi milyarder karena Facebook. Tapi kan dia jadi kaya bukan karena ngempesin kantong kita? Soalnya: --- kita kan tak usah bayar alias GRATIS.





INI YANG LUAR BIASA!!!

Ternyata REVOLUSI JASMIN di Tunisia, pergolakan baru di Mesir dan Yaman, itu sedikit banyak (bahkan mungkin terutama) BERKAT internet, berkat kontak-kontak para penggiat dan (calon) pendemo yg mereka lakukan lewat FACEBOOK.



Maka, mari semaksimal mungkin, manfaatkan Facebook, blogger, website, dll media internet demi kemajuan, demi pencerahan DEMI REFORMASI. Demi perubahhan... dan bukan mustahil . . . (semoga) demi KEBANGKITAN BARU REFORMASI di negeri kita tercinta, DEMI PERUBAHAN... and WHY NOT . . . . . . DEMI REVOLUSI. Gitu kan Bonnie???>



Aku sungguh terinspirasi oleh pergolakan massa, di dunia Arab. Massa rakya Arab, tidak mau ketinggalan dari saudara-saudara seperjuangan di Amerika Latin.



Aku berani bilang, pergolakan baru di dunia Arab kali ini, adalah suatu pergolakan untuk kemajuan. BUKAN KANAN! Malah sasarannya-lah yang Kanan.



Semoga mereka-mereka itu sukses.

Dan bangsa kita juga tergugah karenanya. Biar ketularan! Ikut bergolak!!!



Biar kaum koruptor, birokrat-birokrat, mafia hukum dan pengadilan, para pelanggar HAM

terbesar dalam sejarah Indonesia, teristimewa Peristiwa pembantaian masal 1965, -- pada gemetar

ketqakutan!.

Siapa tahu mereka sudah siap-siap pesan tempat untuk berlindung di Saudi Arabia seperti

mantan presiden Ben Ali dari Tunisia.

Menyimak Karya Studi Agraria Moh. Sohibudin dan Ahmad Nashih Lutfhi

“SOSIALISME ALA NGANDAGAN” –
door Ibrahim Isa op dinsdag 25 januari 2011 om 19:02

IBRAHIM ISA – Berbagi Cerita

Selasa, 25 Januari 2011

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“SOSIALISME ALA NGANDAGAN” –

PEMBERDAYAAN SOSIALISME di INDONESIA?





Sering diajukan pertanyaan: Apakah Indonesia dewasa ini sudah menjadi negeri dengan sistim ekonomi kapitalis? Ataukah, --- masih merupakan negeri yang sistim ekonominya terutama adalah sistim ekonomi feodal. Pernah pula dinyatakan, sistim ekonomi/politik Indonesia dewasa ini, terutama, sesudah diadakannya persetujuan KMB – Konferensi Meja Bundar, 1949, – antara Indonesia dengan Kerajaan Belanda, Indonesia sudah menjadi negeri setengah jajahan dan setengah feodal. Soal ini belum tuntas ditelaah dan didiskusikan.



Apalagi sesudah berkuasanya rezim Orba, dengan dilaksanakannya kebijakan politik ekonomi menurut garis IMF dan World Bank untuk negeri-negeri 'yang sedang berkembang'. Akibatnya Indonesia terutama menjadi lahan penanaman modal asing, dengan tenaga kerja murah dan pasaran untuk pelemparan hasil-hasil negeri-negeri luar Indonesia. Sedangkan sumber-sumber kekayaan bumi dan air Indonesia berada di bawah kontrole dan dominasi modal asing.



Sekitar masalah tanah, di Indonesia masih b e l u m j e l a s duduk perkaranya, kalau bicara mengenai landreform.



* * *



Sebagai gambaran mengenai 'masalah tanah' pun di mancanegra telah terjadi perkembangan dan perubahan yang menunjukkan merasuknya modal besar ke bidang eksploitasi tanah dan tenaga kerja murah. Bukan eksploitasi tanah (dan tenaga kerja) di negeri sendiri tetapi di negeri-negeri lain. Di negeri-negeri miskin.



Perhatikan informasi ini:

Judul:



LUARNEGERI MENCARI DALAM NEGERI.



“Secara internasional negeri-negeri kaya membeli tanah di negeri-negeri miskin, untuk mengamankan suply bahan makanan negerinya sendiri. Juga kaum spekulan melirik tanah-tanah pertanian kosong; (karena) itu (diangggap) lebih baik ketimbang emas. Geopolitik dari keamanan bahan makanan.



“Ethiopia, salah satu negeri yang banyak tertimpa bencana kelaparan, di tahun-tahun mendatang akan melihat lebih banyak bahan makanan yang dihasilkan di negerinya. Ratusan juta hektar tanah telah dibeli untuk dijadikan perusahaan pertanian luas yang modern.

Tetapi dari janji hasil gandum, beras dan soya yang diperoleh dari situ, orang-orang Etiopia tidak akan ikut memaknnya. Semua hasil bumi akan langsung dikapalkan ke India dan Saudi Arabia, pemilik-pemilik baru tanah-tanah luas di Ethiopia.



“Ini bukan kejadian yang berdiri sendiri. Kuweit telah membeli tanah di Kamboja, Tiongkok dan Congo. Arab Emirat membeli tanah di Pakistan, Korea Selatan, dan di Tanzania. Dan begitu seterusnya. Pembelian tanah tsb begitu besar dan terjadi dalam waktu singkat dan cepat. Sehingga sementara NGO menyatakan bahwa telah terjadi 'perebutan tanah besar-besaran'. Atau dikatakan 'perebutan baru tanah di Afrika dan Asia'. Suatu penaklukkan neo-kolonialisme oleh modal asing terhadap Dunia Ketiga.



“Menurut World Bank tanah-tanah yang dibeli fihak asing itu meliputi 40 juta hektar tanah pertanian – luasnya 10 kali luas negeri Belanda atau lebih besar dari luasnya negeri Jerman. Demikian ulasan sebuah mingguan nasional Belanda 'De Groene Amsterdammer'.



Dari uraian diatas bisa kita saksikan, masalah tanah bukan saja merupakan masalah di Indonesia, tetapi juga merupakan masalah dunia. Modal-modal besar sudah menjadi TUAN TANAH BARU, di negeri-negeri berkembang.



Dengan demikian masalah LANDREFORM, PERUBAHAN TANAH, juga merupakan agenda mendesak di dunia internasional. Karena, jalas hubungannya dengan perkembangan baru, eksploitasi dan pemerasan terhadap negeri-negeri miskin oleh negeri-negeri kaya, semakin mengakarnya sistim NEO-KOLONIALISME.







* * *



Menyangkut masalah tanah di Indonesia, di bawah pemerintahan pra-Orba telah dilakukan perjuangan dan pelbagai usaha untuk PERUBAHAN TANAH, untuk suatu LANDREFORM. Kegiatan dan perjuangan untuk perubahan tanah di Indonesia, di masa pra-Orba, mungkin dilakukan, karena adanya hak-hak demokratis bagi kaum tani dan organisasi-organisasi tani serta parpol-parpol progresif. Semasa rezim Orba kebebasan demokratis itu sudah tak ada samasekali. Sehingga kegiatan dan perjuangan untuk perubahan tanah, terhenti bahkan mengalami kemunduran.



* * *



Sehubungan dengan masalah tanah dan 'landreform' di Indonesia, Moh. Shohibuddin bersama Ahmad Nashih LUTFHI, dari Lingkar Belajar Reformasi Agraria , belum lama menulis sebuah brosur penting dan menarik. Berjudul:



"SOSIALISME A LA NGANDAGAN": Revisit Inisiatif Land Reform di Sebuah Desa Jawa, 1947-1964. Desember 2010 -- Launching:pertengahan Februari 2011. Penerbit: STPN dan Sajogyo Institute.



Beruntung aku dapat membaca tulisan Gunawan Wiradi,

mengantar buku Moh. Sohibudin dan Lutfhi. Suatu penjelasan yang Bagus! Inofatif, inspiratif dan amat menggugah bagi yang peduli PERUBAHAN TANAH DI INDONESIA.
Dimasuki pula masalah “SOSIALISME INDONESIA”.



Silakan baca di bawah ini tulisan Gunawan Wiradi sekitar buku "SOSIALISME A LA NGANDAGAN": Revisit Inisiatif Land Reform di Sebuah Desa Jawa, 1947-1964. Desember 2010 --



* * *



GUNAWAN WIRADI:

Mengenai buku baru:



"SOSIALISME A LA NGANDAGAN": Revisit Inisiatif Land Reform di Sebuah Desa Jawa, 1947-1964. Desember 2010 --







Buku ini merupakan hasil studi “revisit” atas kasus inisiatif land reform lokal di desa Ngandagan, sebuah desa di Jawa Tengah, yang terjadi pada tahun 1947-1964. Penulis mendiskusikan profil land reform inisiatif lokal tersebut dan mencoba mendalami proses diferensiasi agraria yang terjadi sebagai konteks krisis agraria yang berlangsung. Pelaksanaan land reform di Ngandagan membawa dampak secara sosial-ekonomi yang cukup signifikan terhadap struktur sosio-agraria setempat, serta konfigurasi politik dan keagamaan.



Pelaksanaan land reform inisiatif lokal yang terjadi di Ngandagan dijalankan dengan cara melakukan perubahan sistem kepemilikan, peruntukan, dan pemanfaatan tanah serta perubahan relasi ketenagakerjaan. Kebijakan land reform itu mengharuskan semua pemilik tanah kulian menyisihkan 90 ubin dari setiap unit tanah kulian yang dikuasainya. Hasil penyisihan ini kemudian dialokasikan untuk sawah buruhan yang dikelola langsung oleh desa untuk diatur pembagiannya di antara warga desa yang tidak memiliki tanah. Ukuran standar baru unit sawah buruhan ditetapkan seluas 45 ubin, yakni separoh dari ukuran sebelumnya yang 90 ubin, sehingga jumlah penerima potensial dari kebijakan redistribusi tanah bisa diperluas. Inilah ukuran batas minimum versi lokal Ngandagan. Pelaksanaan itu juga dipadukan dengan kebijakan perluasan tanah pertanian (ekstensifikasi) dengan memanfaatkan lahan kering berstatus abseente seluas 11 hektar yang ada di ujung desa. Dihasilkan pula sistem baru berupa skema pembayaran hutang hari kerja di lahan kering yang bermakna sebagai pertukaran tenaga kerja.



Kebijakan desa Ngandagan itu secara sadar diarahkan untuk meruntuhkan basis feodalisme agraris di desa, yakni pola hubungan patronase yang dibangun oleh petani kuli baku dengan buruh kuli-nya. Redistribusi tanah dilakukan tidak seperti pada masa tanam paksa, yakni dalam rangka penyediaan tanah dan mobilisasi tenaga untuk produksi tanaman ekspor, namun sebaliknya secara sadar diarahkan untuk mengoreksi ketimpangan penguasaan tanah. Hal demikian tidak dapat berlangsung tanpa kepemimpinan kuat seorang lurah bernama Soemotirto yang dinilai legendaris.

Selain land reform, juga ditekankan kembali norma hukum adat yang melarang pelepasan tanah, baik melalui penjualan, penyewaan maupun penggadaiannya kepada orang lain. Semua bentuk transaksi tanah ini dilarang keras baik terhadap penerima sawah buruhan yang memang hanya memiliki hak garap maupun terhadap petani kuli baku sendiri selaku pemilik tanah. Kebijakan ini mampu mencegah kehilangan tanahnya secuil demi secuil (peacemeal dispossession), suatu kondisi yang pernah dialami warga Ngandagan sebelum pelaksanaan land reform. Inovasi baru dalam hubungan produksi diciptakan dalam suatu mekanisme tukar menukar tenaga kerja di antara warga dalam mengerjakan berbagai tahap produksi pertanian. Mekanisme ini disebut sebagai grojogan. Dengan sistem ini semua warga tanpa terkecuali, termasuk pamong desa, akan bekerja di lahan pertanian milik tetangganya. Kultur feodalisme di pedesaan yang barbasis pada penguasaan tanah diruntuhkan melalui mekanisme semacam ini.



Kebijakan agraria desa Ngandagan bukannya tanpa halangan. Ketika Soemotirto melakukan kebijakan konsolidasi tanah pada tahun 1963, yakni melakukan penataan permukiman warganya, maka muncul pertentangan. Ia diperkarakan ke pengadilan kabupaten dengan tuduhan pengambilan tanah tanpa seizin pemiliknya. Posisinya lemah, sebab berbeda dengan penataan terhadap tanah sawah dan lahan kering, terhadap penataan tanah pekarangan dan rumah ini ia tidak memiliki legitimasi kultural dan pembenar dari hukum adat.



Relasi asosiatif politik warga Ngandagan pada Partai Komunis Indonesia dalam pemilu 1955, sebenarnya lebih didahului karena keberhasilan pelaksanaan land reform 1947 dan orientasi pemimpinnya, yakni lurah Soemotrito, daripada sebaliknya. Ngandagan sampai dengan awal tahun 1960-an, dikenal sebagai “desa RRT di kandang banteng”, artinya PKI di tengah-tengah pengikut PNI. Akan tetapi dengan adanya proses peradilan itu, maka konflik politik di Ngandagan yang semula hanya menyangkut soal dukungan atau penolakan atas redistribusi tanah pekulen dan melibatkan antar elit di lingkup desa, kemudian berkembang menjadi bagian dari kontestasi ideologi di daerah (kabupaten) yang melibatkan unsur politik kepartaian yang bahkan berakibat pada konversi agama.



Meskipun diperkarakannya Soemotrito berakibat pada berakhirnya kekuasaan dia sebagai lurah, sebuah politik perlawanan masih ia lakukan sebelum lengser. Ia memerintahkan warganya yang menjadi pengikut PKI untuk pindah ke partai lain. Sebagian besar warga mengikuti ke mana arah angin berhembus dan lantas memutuskan memilih PNI. Namun Soemotirto sendiri, bersama para pengikutnya, menyatakan sikap anti-PNI mereka dengan memilih Partai Katolik, meskipun dengan risiko menjadi kelompok minoritas agama. Konversi agama ini terjadi sekitar setahun sebelum peristiwa “G 30 S”, dan hal demikian berbeda dengan kondisi di tempat lain yang prosesnya justru terjadi setelah meletusnya peristiwa tersebut.



Berbagai perombakan sistem tenurial dan ketenagakerjaan itulah yang memberi gambaran sosialisme ala Ngandagan”, suatu “tafsir-dalam-praktik” mengenai cita-cita keadilan sosial di bidang agraria. Inovasi “sosialisme” berbasis adat itu terpangkas prosesnya pada tahun 1963 di level lokal, disusul dengan peristiwa 1965 di level nasional yang menghempaskan Ngandagan dan desa-desa lain secara umum di Indonesia, menuju ke arah yang berbeda.

Kebijakan sosialisme ala Ngandagan adalah hasil dari kombinasi antara revitalisasi dan reinterpretasi hukum adat dalam rangka mewujudkan sistem penguasaan tanah dan hubungan agraria yang lebih adil. Sejarah desa Ngandagan menunjukkan bahwa land reform dilaksanakan dalam kerangka hukum adat serta adanya tafsir dan praktik land reform yang lebih sesuai dengan tuntutan dan kondisi lokal yang berhasil diwujudkan oleh masyarakat desa sendiri. Jika saja inisiatif progresif semacam itu mendapatkan apresiasi dan dukungan politik semestinya, dan bukan justru diseragamkan, maka betapa banyak alur gelombang emansipasi dari bawah yang dapat diharapkan akan berkembang secara “alamiah”, dan yang pada gilirannya akan turut memperkaya proses formasi sosial dan perkembangan politik bangsa Indonesia secara keseluruhan. [ ]



Sebagai hasil dari suatu “studi ulang” atas sebuah desa yang 63 tahun lalu telah melakukan land reform lokal, buku ini bukan saja memaknai peristiwa itu dalam konteks kekinian dan mewacanakan berbagai perubahan sosial ekonomi dan politik seiring dengan proses perubahan zaman selama sekian tahun itu, tetapi bahkan sekaligus juga mencerminkan usaha kedua penulisnya untuk “berimajinasi sosiologis” dengan merakitkan gejaka lokal tersebut dengan konsep gagasan besar “Sosialisme Indonesia”. Karenanya, buku ini perlu dibaca para generasi muda, peminat sejarah, pengkaji masalah adat, pemerhati, aktifis dan pengambil kebijakan penanganan masalah kemiskinan dan reforma agraria, dan para peminat ilmu sosial secara umum. (Gunawan Wiradi, 2011)



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RESTORAN INDONESIA PARIS - SELAMAT-SELAMAT

IBRAHIM ISA
----------------------
Sabtu, 22 Januari 2011


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TURUT BANGGA DAN GEMBIRA DENGAN PEMBERIAN MEDALI KOTA PARIS UTK UMAR SAID ------------------------------------------------------------------------

Bung Soejoso dan kawan-kawan pengelola RESTORAN INDONESIA Y.B.,

Murti dan saya turut bangga dan gembira menerima berita dari penanggung jawab Restoran Indonesia, Soejoso bahwa berkenaan dengan Ultah ke-28 Restoran Indonesia Paris, Bung Umar Said, akan diberi penghargaan dengan pemberian MEDALI KOTA PARIS oleh Kotapraja Paris.

Hati kami ingin sekali memenuhi undangan untuk ikut hadir dalam kesempatan itu.
Tetapi berhubung satu dan lain hal, maka kami ikuti saja dari jauh peristiwa penting itu.

Pemberian MEDALI KOTA PARIS kepada Umar Said, berkenaan dengan Ultah ke-28 RESTORAN INDONESIA PARIS, adalah penghargaan dan penghormatan dari Kotapradja Paris kepada Umar Said sebagai pendiri dan pengelola utama Restoran Indonesia, Paris, bersama-sama dengan kawan-kawan lainnya.

Restoran Indonesia Paris tidak saja telah memberikan lapangan kerja untuk kawan-kawan eksil korban persekusi Orba setelah Peristiwa 1965, tetapi juga telah turut memperkaya dan memperindah kota Paris dengan sebuah lagi restoran Indonesia. Restoran Indonesia Paris telah berkembang menjadi salah satu kegiatan reguler kebudayan Indonesia.

* * *

Pada periode Orba dalam kesempatan berkunjung ke Paris --- Dr Arief Budiman dilarang oleh KBRI untuk mengunjungi Restoran Indonesia Paris, dengan tuduhan dan fitnahan keji terhadap Restoran Indonesia Paris dan para pengelolanya. Namun ia tokh nekad mengunjungi dan menyicipi lezatnya masakan Indonesia asli di situ. Menyaksikan sendiri Restoran Indonesia Paris, cakap-cakap dengan Umar Said dan kawan-kawan pengelola lainnya, Arief Budiman menyimpulkan, bahwa:

RESTORAN INDONESIA PARIS, merupakan tempat kegiatan sosial dan budaya Indonesia yang lebih aktif dan efeketif ketimbang KBRi-nya Orba.

Luluhlah segala fitnahan dan umpatan keji KBRI-Orba di Paris.

Restoran Indonesia Paris semakin populer dan menjadi tempat orang-orang Perancis dan asing
lainnya untuk melepas lelah, menikmati masakannya yang lezat, dan dari waktu ke waktu
menyaksikan acara kebudayaan Indonesia yang secara reguler diadakan oleh Restoran Indonesia Paris.

Restoran Indonesia telah berdiri 28 tahun. Umar Said yang merupakan salah satu dan pengelola utama ketika didirikan, telah mendapat penghargaan cukup tinggi deari KOTAPRAJA PARIS.

Ini merupakan penghargaan pada usaha jujur dan serius kawan-kawan Indonesia di Paris, untuk
berdikari dalam penghidupannya sebagai eksil, dan dalam mengangkat dan mensosialisasikan
budaya Indonesia di kalangan masyarakat Paris dan Perancis umumnya. Kehadiran Ny Daniëlle Mietterand, istri mantan Presiden Perancis pada hari Senin malam nanti, merupakan pertanda bahwa penghargaan kepada Restoran Indonesia Paris juga datang dari kalangan tinggi masyarakat Perancis.

SELAMAT KAMI UCAPKAN KEPADA KAWAN-KAWAN PENGELOLA RESTORAN INDONESIA PARIS.

SELAMAT KEPADA UMAR SAID, SOEJOSO, ZUS NINON DAN TEMAN-TEMAN PENGELOLA LAINNYA.

Amsterdam, Sabtu 22 Januari 2011.


--------------------------------- -------------------------------------------
Pemberitahuan tambahan (dari Soejoso)

Teman2 anggota Koperasi Fraternité, beserta para pegawai Restoran INDONESIA,
Para sahabat Restoran INDONESIA
Teman2 sekaliyan:

Bersama ini kami tambahkan , bahwa pada kesempatan PERTEMUAN untuk Ulang
Tahun ke 28 Restoran nanti, pak Umar Said akan mendapat Medali Kota Paris (
terjemahan bebas dari la médaille de la Ville de Paris)yang akan disampaikan
oleh M.Christian SAUTTER. (Harap melihat pemberitahun dalam bhs Perancis
dibawah )

Perlu kami sampaikan juga bahwa Madame Danielle Mitterand dengan senang hati
juga akan hadir dalam Pertemuan malam  itu nanti.

Kami ucapkan terima kasih atas kesediaan teman2 dan sahabat2untuk hadir pada
Pertemuan hari Senin yad, mulai jam 18:15.

Salam sejahtera,
Sampai ketemu

SOEJOSO
--------------------------
Chers amis,
Nous avons l’honneur de vous annoncer qu’à l’occasion de l’anniversaire de
la SCOP Fraternité et du Restaurant Indonesia, Monsieur Christian SAUTTER,
Maire Adjoint, chargé de l'Emploi, du Développement éoranconomique et de
l'Attractivité internationale remettra la médaille de la Ville de Paris à
notre ami André Aumars pour l’ensemble de son action en faveur de l’économie
sociale et des libertés. En présence de personnalités et notamment de Seybah
Dagoma Maire Adjointe à l’économie Sociale et solidaire
Comptant bien sur votre présence le 24 Janvier à partir de 18h15
Très amicalement à vous
Stéphane SOEJOSO
_____

Monsieur Umar Said, bonsoir.

Comme je vous l'ai dit au téléphone, Madame Mitterrand viendra avec plaisir
pour l'anniversaire de votre restaurant.

Bonne soirée à vous tous.
Cordialement.
Marie-Christine WRONA
Secrétariat de la Présidente
FRANCE LIBERTES Fondation Danielle Mitterrand
22 Rue de Milan - 75009 PARIS

On ASEAN – CHINA RELATION

IBRAHIM ISA'S – FOCUS
Thursday, 20 January, 2011

On ASEAN – CHINA RELATION
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-- Indonesia set to play key role in S. China Sea row
-- Breakthrough needed on S. China Sea talks:
-- China remains ASEAN booster despite slower growth
-- Bipolarity is back
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INDONESIA SET TO PLAY KEY ROLE IN S.CHINA SEA ROW
Thursday, January 20, 2011
Lilian Budianto, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | Wed, 09/22/2010
As next year’s ASEAN chair, Jakarta is expected to help solve the dispute between ASEAN states and China in the South China Sea following the tensions with the US.

The South China Sea dispute could become a major flashpoint between China and ASEAN as the latter has welcomed a US role in contested sovereignty claims between Beijing and ASEAN countries.

Reuters reported that the second ASEAN-US Summit in Washington may produce a joint statement that highlights China’s aggressive stance in the waters claimed by the ASEAN members of Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines and Vietnam.

Indonesia — a non-participant in the dispute — welcomed that the US play a role in resolving these disputes during the visit of Defense Minister Robert Gates to Jakarta. This US involvement has upped the stakes in these South China Sea disputes amid tensions arising between Beijing and Washington over currency, human rights and arms sales to Taiwan.

Sumadi Brotodiningrat, a seasoned diplomat, said Indonesia would act on behalf of ASEAN to make sure that these conflicts were solved amicably.

He shied away from possiblities that Jakarta or ASEAN members might take any new positions that would harm relations with China and beyond what has been agreed under the 2002 agreement on peaceful cooperation in the South China Sea.

“New statements you see recently are actually the reinforcement of the 2002 agreement,” he said.

Vietnam, as the current chairman of ASEAN, have reportedly mobilized others for its own cause in the has South China Sea but experts said Indonesia has also its own interest: Which is to make sure these disputes will not affect regional stability.

The 2002 agreement has stated that ASEAN nations would meet among themselves before they speak to China although China prefers to talk bilaterally with each claimant. Now, the conflicts may get more complicated as ASEAN members are looking to allow the US a role in solving these disputes, which may come under the auspices of the ASEAN Regional Forum or the expanded East Asia Summit (EAS).

EAS, a 16-strong grouping that has already brought together ASEAN along with Japan, China, South Korea, Australia, New Zealand and India, is set to welcome new members of the US and Russia next year.

A professor at Peking University, who talked to The Jakarta Post Tuesday at a forum to mark the 60th anniversary of relations between Indonesia and China, said Beijing has no major concerns with the proposed US membership of the EAS.

“We have seen that EAS is not a forum that can look into particular issues and it will remain that way,” he said.

The US is reportedly looking forward to make the EAS a strategic forum to discuss political and security issues — a move that could peturb China as it would like to keep the EAS in the second tier of diplomacy.

Indonesia, which first announced welcoming the US into the EAS earlier this year after a period of reluctancy, has yet to reveal what plans it has for the expanded EAS and how it would try to accommodate both China and the US at the same table.

When asked about how China would expect Jakarta to play its role in the dispute, the Chinese expert said: “We have to see first what is the interest of the US in the South China Sea and I believe no one has thought through any options yet so far”.z

* * *

Post Comments |  Comments (1)
R.M.Deshmukh, Nagpur (India ) | Tue, 28/09/2010 - 16:09pm
Mr. Lilian Budiano, you are a very good writer.You have rightly pointed out that The Republic of Indonesia will have to play a very very important role in the ongoing dispute between a block of four ASEAN countries viz.Vietnam, Malaysia,Phillipines and Bruney on one side and their major rival China on the other side. That job is going to be a very tough job for Indonesia.The greatest difficulty is that China has already proclaimed it's sovereignty on the entire South China sea Region.That was the greatest blunder commited by China . It is because of that unwanted proclamation of China that the four claimant countries in that region got frightened .The ASEAN countries immidiately formed a block and welcomed the entry of America to solve the problem. It is going to be a tough job for Indonesia to tacle hegemonist China and determined America on the same table.
BREAKTHROUGH NEEDED ON S. CHINA SEA TALKS
Thursday, January 20, 2011
The Jakarta Post | Mon, 01/17/2011 11:20 AM | Special Report
ASEAN countries will add another forum of talks to speed up the process to create guidelines in the dispute over competing claims in the South China Sea after nine years of working group level talks failed to create significant results.

Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa said after chairing a retreat meeting with ASEAN foreign ministers here Sunday that the grouping needed to find another way to move forward the stalled South China Sea issue by engaging senior officials in the working group discussions and directly talks about the code of conduct.

“We discussed this issue in great detail, reinforcing ASEAN’s common position as reflected in the declaration of code of conduct on the South China Sea issue together with China, and reinforcing that this is an issue that
must progress in the immediate future,” he said.

Marty said the discussion on the guidelines should not hamper the willingness to create a peaceful region.

“We have to see the big picture, so a breakthrough is necessary,” he said.

The working group has discussed the guidelines for the implementation of a declaration of code of conduct in the South China Sea since 2002.

The guidelines are supposed to be used as a basis for the code of conduct.

But several sticking points remain — including whether the guidelines are to be used as a point of settlement for any conflict or just a mere declaration without a legally binding impact — hampering the progress of the two parties in concluding negotiations.

Marty, however, did not comment on other alternatives to the issue, but acknowledged that the South China Sea issue was a major problem for the region and the world, with four ASEAN countries, China and the US embroiled.

China has been at loggerheads with Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia and Brunei over the control of the Spratly and Paracel Islands in the South China Sea for decades.

The Obama administration is exploiting the issue to foster divisions in ASEAN and undermine China’s growing regional influence.

A third of the world’s maritime trade, including vital energy supplies for China and Japan, pass through the South China Sea.

Of China’s 39 sea lanes, 21 pass through the region, accounting for 60 percent of Chinese foreign trade.

Also, 60 percent of ships passing through the neighboring Strait of Malacca are Chinese, carrying 80 percent of China’s imported oil from the Middle East and Africa.

China is well aware of the Pentagon’s strategy of controlling key naval “choke points” as a means of depriving a potential enemy of vital supplies.

China has begun to beef up its own navy to protect key trade routes. It has a submarine base on Hainan Island, adjacent to the South China Sea, where it houses its ballistic missile submarines — a major component of its nuclear arsenal.

China’s first aircraft carrier, which is now under construction, will reportedly be deployed as part of its South China Sea fleet.

The sensitivity of the area was highlighted in March last year when a flotilla of small Chinese vessels confronted the US naval spy ship Impeccable, which was stationed near Hainan Island, monitoring Chinese submarines and mapping the sea floor
CHINA REMAINS ASEAN BOOSTER DESPITE SLOWER GROWTH
Mustaqim Adamrah, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | Sat, 01/15/2011
China, the world’s second-largest economy, will remain a place for ASEAN countries to cling to in growing the region’s economy although the giant will work at a slower pace this year.

“China’s economic growth will decline from 10 percent last year to 8.5 percent this year, but it will remain high,” Standard Chartered Bank senior economist Fauzi Ichsan told The Jakarta Post on Friday.

“That growth will trigger imports from and infrastructure development projects in ASEAN countries, especially Indonesia and the Philippines.”

In an attempt to cool inflation and surging housing prices, China is lowering its growth from 10 percent in 2010 to 8.5 percent this year by winding down its stimulus and tightening credit, the World Bank said Thursday.

Still, strong Chinese demand for raw materials and components should buoy exports by its Asian neighbors, The Associated Press reported.

“China will remain the focal point of regional activity,” the Washington-based bank was quoted by AP as saying.

The bank’s forecasts for developing economies in East Asia and the Pacific include China, Indonesia, Thailand, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia and Pacific Island nations Fiji and Vanuatu, AP reported.

Fauzi said Indonesia would continue benefiting from Chinese demand for the archipelago’s commodities — coal and natural gas, which remained high.

Indonesia, he said, would come second in the region in terms of this year’s economic growth, which would be at 6.5 percent — an increase from 6 percent last year, after Vietnam that is to expand from 6.7 percent last year to 7.2 percent this year.

Slower growth will be seen this year in Malaysia (5.1 percent from 6.8 percent last year), Thailand (4.4 percent from 6.3 percent), Singapore (4.6 percent from 14 percent) and the Philippines (5.4 percent from 7.2 percent), he said.

Danareksa Research Institute chief researcher Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa said Indonesia could still reap profits from growing China despite the latter’s slower economic growth as it would remain Indonesia’s main export destination.

And for ASEAN, “For sure with the ACFTA [ASEAN-China Free Trade Agreement] in place, the Chinese market is now more open to [ASEAN countries],” he said.

Currency Management Group director Fahrial Anwar said with China’s growth spurring ASEAN, the situation in the bloc would be conducive for investors, most importantly, in the real sector.

“China is implementing a good policy by tightening credit to keep it from trouble. This can help ASEAN’s economy stay safe from economic tremors because China is still deemed as the main driver of ASEAN’s growth,” he said.
----
Editorial: BIPOLARITY IS BACK
The Jakarta Post | Thu, 01/20/2011
Indonesia and its ASEAN partners must prepare themselves for the rapidly changing economic, security and strategic environments in Southeast Asia and the rest of Asia following the visit of Chinese President Hu Jintao to Washington this week.
A lot of expectations have been placed on this visit, and President Barack Obama is under mounting pressure to make demands on his guest. Whatever the two leaders agree or disagree on, the visit will transform the Sino-US relationship in big ways, and consequently international relations as well.
Strategic experts are already calling this the beginning of a cold war, recognizing the rising economic and military power of China vis-à-vis the United States. Although the two are not equal yet, Washington is clearly concerned with losing its pre-eminence, and wants to see China take on a greater responsibility, commensurate with its rising strength in the economic and political realms.
China is essentially still a developing country but its GDP makes it the second largest economy in the world after the US. China is therefore caught in a dilemma of dealing with the challenges facing a developing country and the need to take on the responsibilities of a developed country.
There will be occasions when China’s national interests come into conflict with its global responsibilities, at least as perceived by others, such as securing its territory, access to economic resources or in managing its currency. How China resolves this dilemma is for the Chinese Communist Party leadership to decide, but this should not preclude well meaning friends from reminding it of its impacts on the rest of the world and the subsequent responsibilities.
It is clear that both sides will be seeking to benefit from this landmark visit. Obama will likely press Hu on the question of the Chinese currency, its influence over North Korea and, as is now required by law in its foreign policy conduct, China’s records on human rights and freedom. For Hu, high on his agenda is gaining Washington’s recognition of China’s global power stature. Hu will also be speaking on behalf of most Asian countries when he presses Obama to resolve the domestic economic problems by urging Americans to make greater sacrifices.
The visit may not end with the two leaders resolving their differences, but it will certainly set the tone in the relationship between the global powers. The rest of the world will have to make adjustments accordingly. We are now moving away from a unipolar world back to a bipolar world, requiring Indonesia once again to row between two reefs as in the old Cold War days.

 * * *
 

Peluncuran BUKU Cerita-Cerita 'WONG JOWO-SURINAME' -

IBRAHIM ISA – Berbagi Cerita
Selasa, 18 Januari 2011
---------------------------------------------------------------

Peluncuran BUKU Cerita-Cerita 'WONG JOWO-SURINAME' – “MIGRASI DAN WARISAN BUDAYA”


Kemarin kutulis di ruanganku “Berbagi-Cerita”, sekitar orang Belanda keturunan 'Jowo-Suriname', RANOMI KROMOWIDJOJO. Yang dewasa ini namanya sedang ngetop mencuat di dunia sport renang kejuaraan dunia. Datang tanggapan dari sahabatku, drs Harriëtte Mingoen. Siapa wanita ini? Hariette Mingoen, adalah Ketua Stichting Rukun Budi Utama, Nederland. Bertahun-tahun lamanya H. Mingoen bekerja keras, tak kenal susah payah demi memajukan kehidupan budaya bersama masyarakat 'Jowo-Suriname' di Belanda, khususnya di Den Haag. Juga untuk kepentingan kaum alonchtoon lainnya di Belanda.

Buku cerita-cerita sekitar orang-orang JAWA SURINAME yang berdomisili di Belanda, Suriname dan Indonesia, berjudul “Migratie en Culturele Erfgoed”, bahasa Indonesianya, “Migrasi dan Warisan Budaya”, yang diterbitkan oleh KITLV, Leiden, 2010, adalah hasil tim editor yang terdiri dari Lisa Jasmadi, Rosemarijn Höfte dan HARIËTTE MINGOEN.

Nah, buku ini pada tanggal 20 Januari 2011 lusa, akan diluncurkan di Erasmus Huis, Jakarta. Inilah yang hendak kuceriterakan. Dalam e-mailnya kepadaku tadi malam, Hariette Mingoen mengabarkan tentang akan diluncurkannya buku 'Migrasi dan Warisan Budaya' di Jakarta, Indonesia. Ia bersama Henk Schulte Norholt, salah seorang pimpinan KITLV, dan Rosemarijn Höfte akan hadir dalam peristiwa peluncuran buku tsb.

Tentu saja, peluncuran buku tsb punya arti penting. Ia merupakan sumbangan berarti pada khazanah literatur sejarah berkenaan dengan hubungan sejarah Indonesia-Suriname-Belanda. Khususnya yang menyangkut orang-orang JOWO-Suriname. Episode ini merupakan bagian dari sejarah Indonesia. Kini ia tercatat dan terdokumentasi dengan baik.


* * *

Mingoen khsusus memberitakan kepadaku untuk menyampaikan sekitar peluncuran buku “Migrasi Dan Warisan Budaya” di Jakarta, pada tanggal 20 Januari yad, kepada sahabat-sahabat peduli sejarah di Jakarta. Tulisan ini bermaksud untuk memberitakan kepada sahabat-sahabatku peduli sejarah di Jakarta, seperti mantan Dubes Indonesia di Den Haag Abdul Irsan, mantan Dubes Mohammad Joesoef, sejarawan muda Bonnie Triyana, Aswi Adam, Goenawan Mohammad, Laksmi Pamuncak, Wilson, Koesalah Tur, Hoesein dan banyak lainnya. Dengan pengetahuan ini jika tak ada aral melintang kurasa mereka akan hadir pada peluncuran buku 'MIGRASI DAN WARISAN BUDAYA”. Yang penting ialah agar mereka itu memberitahukan Erasmus Huis, Tel 021-524 1069, mengenai kesediaan mereka hadir.

* * *

Dalam surat undangan yang dikelurkan oleh Erasmus Huis, tertera sbb:

UNDANGAN – KAMIS, 20 JANUARI 2011 – 18.00

Jadwal Acara:

Registrasi dan makan malam -- jam 18.00

Simposium -- jam 19.00
Pembicara: Henk Schulte Nordholt, Tema Latar Belakang; -- Hariëtte Mingoen, Tema Migrasi Orang Jawa; -- Rosemarijn Höfte, Tema: Presentasi buku dan website; -- Aswatini, Tema: LIPI dan penelitian migrasi orang Jawa.

Pembukaan pameran foto – 20.30. Oleh Matte Soemopawiro, fotografer; Annemieke Ruigrok, Kuaswa Usaha Kedutaan Besar Belanda; Toekman Saimbang, Kuasa Usaha Kedutaan Republik Suriname.

Ceramah akan dibawakan dalam bahasa Inggris atau bahasa Indonesia.

Pameran foto berlangsung hingga 18 Februqari 2011.

* * *

Nah, inilah yang kuhendak BAGI-CERITERAKAN kepada sahabat-sahabatku di Jakarta dan para pembaca sekalian, agar tidak luput peristiwa penting di Erasmus Huis, Jakarta, pada tanggal 20 Januari 2011, lusa, berkernaan dengan PELUNCURAN BUKU 'MIGRASI DAN WARISAN BUDAYA'.

RANOMI KROMOWIDJOJO – KAMPIUN RENANG – ASAL “JOWO-SURINAME”

IBRAHIM ISA – Berbagi Cerita
Senin, 17 Januari 2011
-------------------------------------------

RANOMI KROMOWIDJOJO – KAMPIUN RENANG – ASAL “JOWO-SURINAME”

Pers asing, ketika memberitakan sekitar kampiun dunia kejuaraan renang yang diraih RANOMI KROMOWIDJOJO, menyatakan bahwa Ranomi, – sering disapa NAOMI – , adalah tokoh perenang dunia muda dan cantik asal Belanda. Ia meraih kejuaraan dunia renang itu (Dubai) mewakili “Oranje”, mewakili Kerajaan Belanda. Dalam tahun 2010 Naomi memenangkan 4 titel kejuaraan Eropah dan tiga kejuaraan dunia, pada jalur pendek. Memang Naomi adalah 'orang Belanda'. Tapi asalnya b u k a n dari B e l a n d a . Dari namanya saja sudah kelihatan. KROMOWIDJOJO.
Ayah Naomi bernama KROMOWIDJOJO. “WONG JOWO-SURINAME. Jadi, Naomi itu adalah w.n. Belanda asal Jowo-Suriname. Ibunya asal Groningin, Nederland. Nah, begitulah duduk perkaranya.
Dalam suatu cakap-cakap santai di suatu pertemuan, aku cerita tentang orang-orang Jawa Suriname di Nederland. Mereka itu puya organisasi rapi. Pada penghujung tahun lalu, orang-orang Jawa-Suriname yang sudah w.n Belanda memperingati (di Den Haag) hari ultah ke-120 mereka-mereka itu diangkut oleh pemerintah Hindia Belanda dari Jawa ke Suriname. Organisasi mereka punya website. Dalam kesempatan memperingati ultah ke-120 itu, telah diterbitkan dua buah buku penting. Satu antranya ialah: “Migratie en Culturele Erfgoed”. Buku tsb memuat cerita-cerita suka-duka orang Jawa di Suriname, Indonesia dan di negeri Belanda. Tentang buku ini telah kutulis akhir tahun lalu.
Di Suriname orang-orang yang diangkut dari Jawa itu dipekerjakan sebagai pekerja-kontrak untuk perkebunan tebu Belanda di Suriname.
* * *
Tentang orang-orang Belanda asal Indonesia yang berhasil dalam karierenya. Yang mencapai sukses gemilang memang ada beberapa. seperti a.l WIBI SOERYADI. Wibi (40) adalah pianis dan komponis muda yang kenamaan di Belanda dan didunia musik klasik. Pada tanggal 27 Januari 2011 yad ini, ia akan tampil di Canergie Hall, New York, untuk kedua kalinya. Canergie Hall adalah salah satu gedung budaya dimana dipertunjukkan musik klasik maupun populer, yang paling kenamaan dan prestegius. Oleh masyarakat Belanda, Wibi dinilai pemain piano terbaik Belanda.
Kemudian disebut-sebut nama pemain bola Belanda, Giovanni van Bronchorst. Namanya mencuat populer sejak menjadi kapten kesebelasan Oranje di pertandingan kejuaraan dunia di Afrika Selatan tahun yang lalu. Sebelumnya Giovani adalah pemain utama klab bola Feyenoord-Rotterdam. Ada seorang pembaca kolomku yang bertanya: Pak Isa, apa benar kapten kesebelasan nasional Belanda yang bernama Giovanni vn Bronchorst itu asal Indonesia-Ambon. Betul, jawabku. Bapaknya Belanda bernama Victor van Bronchorst dan ibunya asal Maluku, bernama Fransien Sapulette.
* * *
Seorang kawan nyeletuk: Jangan lupa nama RANOMI KROMOWIDJOJO, juara renang dunia termuda baru-baru ini, adalah seorang putri berumur 20th, cantik pula, yang sekarang ada di top kejuaraan renang dunia. Ia Belanda tetapi ditubuhnya mengalir darah Jawa, Jawa-Suriname.
Benar, kata hadirin. Janngan lupa itu. Tidak dijelaskan apa sebabnya, tetapi semua orang-orang Indonesia itu, merasa bangga bahwa muncul lagi seorang 'celebrity' di Belanda yang asal Indonesia . Dan tanpa memerlukan penjelasan lebih lanjut akupun turut bangga. Pokoknya ikut bangga!
Di kejuaraan renang untuk pemuda di Budapest (2005), Naomi yang ketika itu baru berumur 15 th sudah berhasil meraih medali emas. Dalam tahun 2006 bersama dengan Chantal Groot dan Inge Dekker memenangkan medali perak (4X100M) di Kejuaraan Renang Eropah. Dan pada 2007 meraih medali perunggu di Melbourne. Di Olympiade Beijing, Naomi memenangkan medali emas dalam kejuaraan estafet (4x100m) bersama Femke Heemskerk dan Maarleen Veldhuis.
Pembaca hendak melihat lebih banyak foto-foto perenang luar asal JAWA SURINAME itu? Silakan akses WIKIPEDIA, ZIMBIO'S HOME PAGE, dll di media internet. Pasti lebih banyak informasi dan cerita mengenai RANOMI KROMODIDJOJO.
* * *
Mengapa tulisan tentang NAOMI KORMOWIDJODO ini ditulis? Tak laian, ingin sekadar melempangkan fikiran sementara orang, yang memandang remeh kaum migran, khususnya yang berwarna. Seperti antara lain yang asal Indonesia, atau Indonesia Jowo-Suriname. Padahal mereka-mereka itu turut mengharumkan nama negeri Belanda di bidang olahraga internasional.
Apalagi kalau dilihat daftar pemain bola Belanda lainnya, seperti Ruud Gullit, Frank Rijkaard, Patrick Kluivert, Clerence Zeedof, Reizeger, Edgar David, dll. Pengikut dan pendukung Geert Wilders yang setengah mati anti-migran, anti MOSLEM dan anti-Islam itu, tidak punya kemampuan normal lagi untuk bisa melihat kenyataan. Bahwa sesungguhnya bangsa Belanda, tidak banyak beda dengan bangsa Amerika. Yaitu hasil dari suatu proses 'melting pot'. Sebagaimana halnya banyak nasion di dunia kita ini. Termasuk nasion INDONESIA.
* * *

Untuk SBY: “Bilang Saja, Saya tidak Mampu”

Kolom IBRAHIM ISA
Kemis, 13 Januari 2011
----------------------------------------------

”SARAN”(!!!) -- Untuk SBY:
“Bilang Saja, Saya tidak Mampu”

“Bilang saja saya tidak mampu”, adalah kata-kata keras dan tajam berasal dari Ahmad Syafii Maarif, mantan ketua Muhammadiyah. Memang dia orang Sumatera, orang Minang. Bukan orang Jawa. Omongannya, keluarnya 'ces pleng' begitu saja. Tidak kasar. Juga bukan 'kurang sopan'. Jelas! Tegas! Di satu fihak, saran itu supaya SBY mundur saja sebagai Presiden RI, meskipun belum penuh masa jabatannya sebagai presiden yang dua kali berturut-turut terpilih langsung. Di lain fihak, diberikan alasan yang jelas, Yaitu 'tidak mampu'. Maka, tidak bisa ada salah tafsir. Bukan karena melakukan pelanggran hukum berat, seperti korupsi atau melakukan pelanggaran HAM berat.

* * *

Kalangan cendekiawan, cukup mengenal siapa Ahmad Syafii Maarif ( lahir: 1935). Dalam tahun 1985 terbit bukunya: Islam dan masalah kenegaraan : studi tentang pecaturan dalam Konstituante. Buku tsb adalah sebuah revisi dari tesis PH.D-nya, berjudul “Islam as the basis of state” yang diraihnya di University of Chicago (1982).

Kritikan tajam Ahmad Syafii Maarif kepada SBY tsb adalah sebagian dari kritik yang diajukan oleh sembilan orang tokoh agama. Selain Maarif, terdapat
Andreas A Yewangoe, Din Syamsuddin, Uskup D Situmorang, Biksu Pannyavaro, Salahuddin Wahid, I Nyoman Udayana Sangging, Franz Magnis Suseno, dan Romo Benny Susetyo. Mereka beranggap bahwa pemerintahan Presiden Yudhoyono, sesudah lebih setahun menjabat, --- dan sebelumnya SBY sudah lima tahun menjabat presiden pilihan langsung, -- telah gagal mengemban amanah rakyat. Pemerintah terlalu banyak berbohong atas nama rakyat.

Maarif tidak membatasi kritiknya hanya pada SBY. Tetapi juga sampai ke kepala desa. Maarif mengingatkan pemerintah, mulai presiden hingga kepala desa, untuk membuka telinga lebar-lebar. "Telinganya harus dibuka untuk mendengar aspirasi rakyat. Jangan ditutupi telinganya." . . . Ditegaskannya bahwa selama pemerintahan SBY tidak ada perubahan yang fundamental, khususnya bersangkutan dengan beleid yang mantap mengenai masalah kemiskinan, kesulitan ekonomi dan hukum, yang tidak bisa ditegakkannya.

Selanjutnya para pemuka agama itu berrencana mengajak umat mereka melawan kebohongan pemerintahan Presiden Yudhoyono.

Salah seorang dari sembilan tokoh agama itu, Romo Benny Susetyo, ketika membacakan pernyataan bersama mereka, menandaskan sbb: "Kami menghimbau elemen bangsa, khususnya pemerintah, untuk menghentikan segala bentuk kebohongan publik" Para tokoh lintas agama sepakat, bahwa sistem ekonomi neo-liberalisme yang dijalankan pemerintah telah gagal meskipun pertumbuhan ekonomi Indonesia tercatat 5,8 persen.

Benny: "Rakyat kecil tidak pernah merasakan keadilan dari pertumbuhan ekonomi semu itu. Ini berlawanan dengan tuntutan Pasal 33, UUD 1945," Ekonomi Indonesia sudah keluar dari jalur Undang-Undang Dasar (UUD-RI). Kecenderungan pasar bebas dalam sistem ekonomi Indonesia adalah penghianatan terhadap apa yang tercantum di pembukaan UUD 1945. Kondisi tersebut, diperburuk oleh sikap pemerintah yang masih mengedepankan pencitraan. Demikian Romo Benny Susetyo.

* * *

Demikianlah, --- Sampai sembilan pemuka agama dan kepercayaan menyatakan kritik terbuka demikian kerasnya kepada pemerintah, khususnya kepada Presiden SBY. Ini bukanlah hal yang biasa. Mereka-mereka itu bukan petinggi parpol, bukan politikus, juga bukan aktivis media. Mereka adalah orang-orang yang sehari-harinya bergumul dengan masalah ilmu, pendidikan, kepengajaran, kepercayaan dan religi. Bahwa mereka sampai memerlukan tampil menyuarakan rasahati dan penderitaan masyarakat luas, --- itu menunjukkan kepedulian mereka atas nasib bangsa ini. Juga menunjukkn sudah betapa seriusnya keadaan negeri dan bangsa.

* * *

Juga tokoh parpol oposisi Ketum PDI-P, Megawati Sukarnaputra, dengan tajam mengecam kebijakan SBY selama ini. Mega menilai bahwa SBY telah gagal meletakkan fondasi dasar untuk tercapainya kesejahteraan rakyat dan keadilan sosial.

Mega menilai pemimpin yang hanya mementingkan pembangunan citra. sebagai sumber kegagalan.

Jusuf Wanandi, Ketua Umum Asosiasi Pengusaha Indonesia (Apindo),
tidak kurang keras dan tajam sekali dalam penilaiannya terhadap janji dan politik SBY. Wanandi: "Apa yang dijanjikan Presiden SBY untuk memacu perekonomian tidak ada yang berjalan". Berbagai klaim keberhasilan pertumbuhan ekonomi nasional setelah 15 bulan periode kedua pemerintahan Presiden Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhyoono (SBY) dianggapnya hanya isapan jempol belaka.

Fokus pencitraan dan pergulatan kepentingan politik menghabiskan energi
pemerintah untuk mendorong roda ekonomi nasional bergulir dengan cepat
di tengah persaingan menjadi pemain dominan dalam percaturan ekonomi
global.

Wanandi menegaskan "Semua klaim itu adalah semu. Pertumbuhan ekonomi yang telah dicapai bukanlah timbul dari hasil kinerja pemerintah. Ekonomi (nasional) mengalami pertumbuhan karena dunia usaha dan masyarakat (Indonesia sendiri) yang berjuang sendiri untuk sekedar bertahan atau mencari peluang untuk berkembang".

* * *

Bambang Soesatyo, Anggota Badan Anggaran DPR dan Wakil Ketua Umum Kadin, dengan argumentasi menguraikan, bahwa, berselang puluhan jam setelah pemerintah mengumumkan sukses pengelolaan ekonomi negara per 2010, klaim keberhasilan (pemerintah) itu langsung dicampakkan rakyat.

Ke-tidakpercayaan pada diri sendiri, menyebabkan pemerintah lebih memuja statistik dan mendengar apa kata orang asing, namun takut mengakui kegagalannya menyejahterakan rakyat.

Saat Menteri Koordinator Perekonomian, Hatta Rajasa, memaparkan penilaian keberhasilan kebijakan pemerintah itu, Awal Januari 2011, --- Jutaan ibu rumah tangga, bahkan juga para bapak rumah tangga, sedang menggerutu karena nilai tukar uang belanja harian keluarga-keluarga anjlok akibat kenaikan tajam harga kebutuhan pokok.

Ada beberapa keluarga diantaranya tewas akibat mengkonsumsi tiwul karena tak sanggupmembeli beras. Demikian ditandaskan Bambang Soesatyo.

* * *

Begitu antusias pemerintah mengklaim keberhasilannya selama ini, demikian pula maraknya komentar kritis dan tajam media dan masyarakat, termasuk tokoh-tokoh pemuka agama seperti yang diuraikan di atas. Semua mengungkap dan membongkar kepalsuan serta kebohongan klaim keberhasilan pemerintah itu.

Penderitaan disebabkan tekanan ekonomi yang mencekik rakyat kecil, termasuk golongan tengah yang luas, tidak bisa diselubungi dengan klaim 'keberhasilan pertumbuhan ekonomi', seperti dikatakan Menteri Hatta Rajasa.

Apakah jalan buntu yang dihadapi pemerintah SBY ini bisa dicari solusinya pada suatu politik tambal sulam? Dengan mengadakan suatu 'perubahan kabinet', misalnya. Mengganti menteri yang satu dengan menteri lainnya. Apalagi bila tindakan itu semata-mata untuk memperoleh tambahan dukungan parpol di DPR. Supaya bisa berkuasa terus. Juga untuk lebih lanjut menumpulkan daya kritis sementara politisi dan parpol.

Ataukah jalan keluar itu, seperti yang disarankan oleh Ahmad Syafii Maarif kepada Presiden SBY, yaitu:

“BILANG SAJA SAYA TIDAK MAMPU”.

* * *

Yang tidak boleh berhenti, adalah kegiatan pengontrolan, teristiwewsa oleh media yang bertanggungjawab yang peduli nasib negeri dan bangsa ini, terhadap tindak-tanduk politik pemerintah -- adalah pengugkapan, kritik, pembongkaran masyarakat, khususnya kritik terhadap kebijakan ekonomi pemerintah yang berorientasi pada modal asing, pada Bank Dunia dan IMF,


* * *

FOCUS - ON INDONESIAN ECONOMY

IBRAHIM ISA FOCUS - ON INDONESIAN ECONOMY
Wednesday, January 12, 2011
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-- Indonesia and the global rise of economic, political power
-- RI economic fundamentals strong, investors shouldn't worry
-- UBS: RI economy to expand by 6 percent in two years
-- RI to remain attractive destination of global funds
-- RI vows to remove barriers on creation of common market
-- State bodies keep doors closed on budget documents
-- CSIS paints grim political, economic outlook for 2011
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Indonesia and the global rise of economic, political power
Magda Safrina, Jakarta | Sat, 03/20/2010
Despite the complication caused by some delays and coordination matters related to the official visit of the US President Barack Obama to Indonesia, which was later postponed to June this year, the essence of the visit itself signals an important message to Indonesia and to the rest of the world.
To Barack Obama, Indonesia is not only a childhood home where he spent four happy years with family and friends, but a source of political and economic power that he needs to keep his political and economic agenda moving forward.
How could Indonesia, a country that was overlooked for almost a decade as a global forum and global influence suddenly become so important to Obama and to the US, both from political and economic standpoints?
The importance of Indonesia as having the world’s largest Muslim population nation has often been discussed in media, particularly Indonesia’s strategic position in its relation to the Middle East conflict.
The fact that Indonesia has been praised by the US as the role model where democracy and Islam prosper harmoniously adds to the list of Indonesia’s political capital in the global forum.    
Indonesia is the largest nation in ASEAN (Southeast Asian Nations), which comprises 10 Southeast Asian countries. Indonesia is also ASEAN’s largest economy with 2009 GDP at US$514 billion.
Indonesia is one of the founding nations of ASEAN together with Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore and the Philippines.
Since ASEAN was founded in 1967, Indonesia has always been playing important role in ASEAN. Indonesia’s former president, Soeharto, was one of the most respectful ASEAN figures.
The East Asian integration, often called ASEAN + 3, which refers to China, Japan and South Korea, now has moved further in policy implementation.
One major achievement that had integrated the region more closely is noted by the signing agreement of ACFTA in January 2010, an agreement that unites China and ASEAN economies with 0 tariff on goods and services crossing each borders.
The East Asian integration itself would bring about an integration of $12.2 trillion of world economy, with a total population of 2.1 billion people.
The integration of East Asian economies both as the Asian production platform and as the world’s growing domestic market has become much more important particularly since East Asia has proven that it can weather global recession relatively smoothly.
Asia is believed to be the source of world economic growth in the future. Led by China, the East Asian economy is projected to contribute to three quarters of 2.5 percent of world economic growth in 2010.
What unique about East Asian integration, in some extent has become a source of concern among other economies in the rest of the world, is the fact on how countries in East Asia are trading and investing between each other at a much faster pace and much larger volume than ever before.  
Although there are increasing concerns within each ASEAN nation about the decline of country’s competitiveness compared to China, the world’s largest production base is believed to also offer a huge export opportunity that could offset the decreasing competitiveness of certain industries in ASEAN countries.  
As the policy implementation is in progress, where adjustments in ASEAN economies are also taking place, we would need some more time to further evaluate how this integration would improve Asia’s economic status.
In such context, Indonesia is becoming more and more important both for the US and China.
Both countries would need to maintain their close relationships with Indonesia to secure their
economic stakes in East Asian
economy, particularly because US-China economic relations are often tenuous.
The US is China’s largest export market. In 2008 and 2009, China’s exports to the US accounted to $252.3 billion and $296.4 billion respectively.
However, China’s domestic market is well developed enough to absorb its massive production capacity if US market declines due to the economic recession.
Therefore, China needs the US to continue to import from it to assure there won’t be massive lay off workers at companies and factories in China.
The continuation of Chinese government investing in US Treasury Bonds providing the US government loans shows the complexity of US-China relations.
Today, China holds $755 billion in US government treasury bonds. The complication is increased by the US’s accusation that China is manipulating its currency to prevent the yuan from increasing while most experts believe the Chinese currency should have appreciated due to the increasing value of yuan’s real exchange rate.
The Chinese government’s effort to keep yuan stable against the US dollar is believed to have effectively maintained Chinese competitiveness in the global playing field.
With the rise of its importance among the two world economic powers, Indonesia is now entering its most important economic and political milestone in the global forum.
How Indonesia makes the most of this, given its rising role, would determine Indonesia’s position in the future, politically and economically.
As the nation at the crossroads, Indonesia should make the best of this opportunity to progress its economic and political relations with both the US and China. This progress should be real, well designed and well implemented.
The writer is a graduate student at International Business
School, Brandeis University,
Massachusetts, US.
RI economic fundamentals strong, investors shouldn't worry
The Jakarta Post, Businesss | Mon, 05/10/2010
(JP/P.J. Leo)First quarter growth of 5.7 percent is an indicator that Indonesia economic fundamentals remain strong, and investors should not worry about economic prospects, says Danareksa Research Institute economist Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa.
"The GDP growth in the first quarter showed that economic fundamentals remain strong. Investors in the stock market should not panic despite the minister is replaced," he said Monday.
Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati will move to the World Bank on June 1 as a managing director, the second-highest position in the bank, just under President Robert Zoellick.
JP Morgan analyst Sin Beng Ong said Indonesia's economic fundamentals were "very strong" despite Mulyani's departure. "Too early to say the reform is stopped. Indonesia is still in very good hands," he said.
But "the market is taking a wait-and-see approach", he added.
 UBS: RI economy to expand by 6 percent in two years
Aditya Suharmoko, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | Tue, 03/09/2010
Swiss-based bank UBS estimates that Indonesia's economy will expand by 6 percent in the coming two years, leading to a stronger rupiah against the US dollar, UBS economist Edward Teather said Tuesday.

"We forecast Indonesian real GDP growth to perform well in a global and ASEAN context, growing at 6 percent in 2010 and 2011," he said.

"On a trend basis we suspect the economy should achieve at least 5 to 6 percent real GDP growth in the context of a de-leveraging global economy, higher than our model suggests because of still-rising savings and investment to GDP. Because of this, we expect an ongoing real appreciation of the rupiah."

UBS says its greatest concern with Indonesia's economy is overconfidence as the stock market index historically loses a point every time a data release is below consensus expectations.
RI to remain attractive destination of global funds
The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | Thu, 12/09/2010
Indonesia will remain one of the world’s most attractive destinations for global portfolio investment thanks to the country’s healthy economic growth, securities analysts have said.

Matthew Brown, head of Citi’s Asia Pacific Fund Services, said at a seminar on market outlook in Jakarta on Wednesday that Indonesia’s overall economy showed a significant growth opportunity, which made it an attractive destination for foreign funds.

“The recovery will continue ... There will be a lot more capital flow to Asia. The Europe and United States are looking for new opportunities and that’s important,” he told reporters following the event.

The Indonesian Stock Exchange (IDX) is among the best performing stock markets in Asia this year. The benchmark Jakarta Composite Index (JCI) has grown about 45 percent so far this year as foreign investors continued to pump funds into the Southeast Asia’s biggest economy. On Wednesday, the index rose 1.28 percent to close at its new record high of 3,769.99.

Brown explained that approximately US$60 trillion was seeking to be invested at present, $48 trillion of which is owned by European and US’ investors. “The funds are in the process of re-evaluation and asset restructuring that’s going to result in increased capital flow, which will continue in the next two or three years,” he added.

Investors, according to Brown, always want exposure in emerging markets to some degree, and Indonesia is among them.

With near-zero rates in developed nations like the US and Japan, Indonesia’s 6.5 percent benchmark interest rate has attracted foreign investors to invest in both debt and capital markets. About Rp 115.3 trillion of foreign funds have entered the nation’s stock and debt markets so far this year, a condition that has worried regulators due to fears over a sudden reversal that could hamper economic activities.

Tigor M. Siahaan, Citi’s country business manager, estimated Wednesday Moody’s would soon upgrade Indonesia’s sovereign rating to a level below the investment grade in line with the improvement of the country’s economic performance. “Moody’s was here last week talking to the government. So in several weeks we expect them to come up with an upgrade,” he told attendees at the same seminar.

Meanwhile BNP Paribas said Indonesia’s benchmark index may increase 20 percent within a year on an expected upgrade on the country’s sovereign debt rating. “Despite outperforming its peers in the region this year, we do not believe that the benefits of the re-rating have been fully priced in,” analyst Elvira Tjandrawinata told Bloomberg. “Other catalysts could include a continued pick up in investment, which would feed consumption, making it stronger and sustainable,” Elvira said. (est)

RI vows to remove barriers on creation of common market
Rangga D. Fadillah, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | Wed, 01/12/2011
We have a dream: Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry (Kadin) chairman Suryo Bambang Sulisto (from left), Trade Minister Mari Elka Pangestu and Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa chat after they attended ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) meeting in Jakarta on Tuesday. Indonesia aspires to become a dominant economic player in the region. JP/Nurhayati
As the new chair of ASEAN, Indonesia said it would remove all legal barriers toward the establishment of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) and would ensure all member countries were ready for broader integration in 2015.
Trade Minister Mari Elka Pangestu said Tuesday that currently the realization of the blueprint to establish the AEC faced stumbling blocks due to the late ratification of agreed regulations by ASEAN member states, including Indonesia.
“All ASEAN members should ratify agreements after they are made, but the processes are impeded by different domestic procedures and adjustments to prevailing national laws,” she said at a press conference at the Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry (Kadin) in Jakarta.
Utilizing its strategic position as the new chair of ASEAN, Mari said Indonesia would encourage ASEAN member to increase efforts to combat constitutional, legislative and regulatory limitations that could hinder the realization of the AEC, which would be similar in structure to the European Economic Community or the European common market.
“We also recommend that each country strengthens the institutions coordinating and supervising the implementation of the blueprint,” she said.
In her speech, Mari highlighted several possible economic breakthroughs ASEAN may achieve in 2011, such as the completion of an information exchange system on recalled unsafe products, the establishment of the ASEAN Small- and Medium-Scale Enterprises Service Center as well as strengthening economic ties with China, Japan, Korea, India, the US and other economic partners.
The AEC blueprint states four major targets: Establishing a single market and production base, creating a competitive economic region, promoting equitable economic development and encouraging full integration into the global economy.
Kadin chairman Suryo Bambang Sulisto vowed his organization would work harder to combat all constraints hindering the development of business and industry in the country.
“We’ll improve cooperation with the government because improving competitiveness is our shared responsibility. We can’t succeed without the government’s assistance,” he said after meeting with Mari and Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa.
The vision to establish an integrated economic system among ASEAN members dates back in 1992 when the first ASEAN free trade agreement was signed. In 2010, ASEAN-6 members (Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore and Thailand) lifted 99 percent of import and export tariffs on trade between each other.
State bodies keep doors closed on budget documents
Bagus BT Saragih, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | Tue, 01/11/2011
An NGO lodged a complaint to the Central Information Commission (KIP) on Thursday regarding the rejection of 37 state bodies to disclose documents on budget allocations.
The Indonesian Forum for Budget Transparency (FITRA) filed information requests to 65 state institutions, but only 28 had provided proper documents on the 2010 Approved Budget Allocation List (DIPA).
“Because they rejected our requests to provide the DIPA documents, which are public domain according to the 2008 Law on Freedom of Information, we reported the institutions to the commission,” FITRA investigation and advocacy coordinator Uchok Sky Khadafi said.
Among the 37 state bodies were the Trade Ministry, the Forestry Ministry, the National Education Ministry, the Religious Affairs Ministry and the State-Owned Enterprise Ministry, as well as non-ministerial bodies such as the Constitutional Court, the Attorney General’s Office, the National Police, the State Intelligence Agency, and the Supreme Audit Agency.
“Ironically, the House of Representatives, which endorsed the Freedom of Information Law, also rejected our request,” Uchok said.
FITRA found that only five ministries provided budget information, including the State Secretariat,
the Industry Ministry, the Agriculture Ministry, the Transportation Ministry and the Culture and Tourism Ministry.
The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), meanwhile, was the only law enforcement institution answering the queries.
“We have sent request letters since last year. However, most of the recipients completely ignored the requests, while others gave various excuses on why they wouldn’t want to provide budget information,” Uchok said.
Some ministries — the Defense Ministry, Women’s Empowerment and Child Protection Ministry and the Research and Technology Ministry — even declared that DIPA lists were not for public consumption, he added.
“The Public Works and Finance Ministries indeed responded to our requests, but they did not give us the DIPA lists as requested,” he said.
KIP chairman Ahmad Alamsyah Saragih said the commission would study the case and summon representatives from the reported institutions for clarification.
“We will decide within 14 days whether the cases should go to mediation for settlement,” he said, adding that should mediation fail, the cases would go to an adjudication hearing, similar to a criminal court hearing.
The ruling of an adjudication hearing is final with no appeal. The 2008 Freedom of Information law says any party refusing to execute such a ruling can be punished with up to three years in jail and a Rp 20 million (US$2,240) fine.
Alamsyah confirmed that any state budget-related information was supposed to be open for public.
“State bodies run their institutions using public funds, so the public deserves to know the allocation. But let us process the reports as stipulated by the law. Maybe some misunderstanding has taken place,”
he said.
Established in August 2009, the KIP, with three offices all in Java, has so far received 31 information disclosure requests from the public. Besides FITRA, the Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) has also filed a number of information dispute cases with the KIP. The ICW has requested the commission settle disputes with the National Education Ministry, the National Police and five state schools in Jakarta.Transparency International Indonesia (TII) secretary-general Teten Masduki said having freedom of information after 30 years of an “opaque” regime was not easy, but it was important to maintain as a means of preventing corruption among state officials.
CSIS paints grim political, economic outlook for 2011
Ridwan Max Sijabat, The Jakarta Post,
The political and economic outlook is rather gloomy for Indonesia in 2011, a think tank says.
Announcing the results of its political and economic analysis and research in 2010 on Tuesday, the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) said 2011 would again see an orgy of transactional politics stemming from a possible Cabinet reshuffle, the debate over revisions to the 2008 legislative election, local elections and premature nominations of presidential hopefuls.
“Following the evaluation of the performance of Cabinet ministers, the President is expected to reshuffle his Cabinet and this will incite bickering among political parties seeking to keep their representatives in the Cabinet,” CSIS political analyst Nico Harjanto said.
He added that the House of Representatives’ failure to control party supporters and members’ donations in the newly endorsed political party law and the planned hike in the parliamentary threshold would only serve big parties’ thinly veiled attempt to squeeze out smaller parties and consolidate their dominance in the next elections.
“The [reformed law] leaves no room for political mavericks to be held in check or for small parties to grow. This will certainly result in the rise of political oligarchies.”
CSIS senior researcher and political analyst J. Kristiady concurred, saying the gloomy political prediction for 2011 had to do with the failure of the post-2009 election political elites to create an effective government.
“2010 was marked by increasing transactional politics among parties in the ruling coalition. After the election, almost all parties that won seats in the House were busy with political transactions, negotiations, squabbles and broke their promise to address national problems and improve public social welfare.”
Following the 2009 elections, the public was optimistic that re-elected President Susilo Bambang Yudho-yono, who won more than 60 percent of the votes in the presidential race, would be able to use his big political capital to form an effective government that would be supported by the simple multi-party system.“This expectation did not come to fruition,” Kristiady said.
CSIS economist Deni Friawan said the economy would grow, but not as strongly as expected.Apart from investments, economic growth in 2010 was supported by consumption to balance decreased government spending, he said.
“Economic growth is expected to reach 6 percent this year with hope that inflation can be held in check,” he said.

Focus On INDONESIA'S FOREIGN RELATION

IBRAHIM ISA – Focus On
INDONESIA'S FOREIGN RELATION
Monday, 10 January 2011
-----------------------------------------------------
– A critical reading of ‘Natalegawa doctrine’
– Challenges for Indonesia as ASEAN chair
– Building ASEAN anew
– True, key facts in RI tourism
---------------------------------------
A critical reading of ‘Natalegawa doctrine’
Ahmad Rizky Mardhatillah Umar, Yogyakarta | Fri, 01/07/2011
Indonesian foreign policy in the era of Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa has embraced a new perspective – the so-called Natalegawa doctrine. This perspective sees Indonesia in a position of “dynamic equilibrium” in world politics.
There is currently a fragmented distribution of political power, and there are many challenges for inter-governmental cooperation that lie ahead. The foreign minister’s new doctrine is therefore interesting to examine in light of these issues.
The Jakarta Post spoke with Marty on Dec. 29, 2010, and many important points in Indonesian foreign policy nowadays were discussed. First, international politics is understood in the new doctrine as a state of “dynamic equilibrium” and “cold peace”. The polarities in post-Cold War international politics have shifted, opening up opportunities for strategic cooperation. Therefore, there are many economic and political changes within international politics that can no longer be understood as unipolar.
The dynamic equilibrium concept indicates that there are more possibilities for nations to become new powers in international relations. For Indonesia, this idea allows us to improve our economic and political strength and begin an era of cooperation among the Global South.
Second, dynamic equilibrium is a position of equality among countries in the Global South to cooperate peacefully without having to depend on any forms of hegemony in international politics. As a consequence, Indonesian foreign policy must harness the potential power of developing countries without denying the existence of powers in the “north”. This was reflected in the directions Indonesia’s foreign policy have taken, as formulated by Marty at the beginning of his term.
Third, this doctrine also views the world through the experience of the Cold War and current “cold peace”. Residual forces from the Cold War still exist, but we cannot deny that new forces have arisen in its aftermath. For example, China and India dominate Asian markets and have become emerging forces in regional — and even international — economies. Relations between these forces are not hostile like in the Cold War era, but more competitive, dynamic and non-political.
Fourth, the paradigm of international security nowadays has also shifted in line with the pluralism of the actors. Thus, opportunities for cooperation are wide open. Marty has responded to this situation by increasing economic cooperation within ASEAN member countries and in Asia and the Pacific.
But, the “Natalegawa Doctrine” is not free of criticism. Indonesian foreign policy perspectives lead to a critical question: How can Indonesia compete among the new powers in this post-Cold War era?
The inclusion of Indonesia in the G20, an exclusive group of developed countries, is an achievement of its own. But, this exclusive position must take into account public interests. It is not only about our national interests and acceptance in the international arena, but also in the domestic sphere. The government must also balance its foreign policy with the interests of the wider community.
The government’s vow of all-out diplomacy by involving all stakeholders has come under criticism. But, the realization of this promise is important to make sure that the public pays attention to diplomatic practices and propaganda.
In addition, criticism has also been directed at the government’s style of dealing with international problems. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono insists on adhering to the tenet “zero enemies, a million friends” when responding, for example, to the border conflict with Malaysia. Some have considered this pragmatic approach unclear.
The “Yudhoyono doctrine” is quite ambiguous. Dynamic equilibrium is established through the strengthening of regional cooperation. It means that foreign policy decision-making emphasizes regionalism — especially in ASEAN. It implies that we should make friends in strategic positions, not with all countries. The criticism of this policy is that it is too fixated on the imagery and spirit of “zero enemies, a million friends”. It is also unclear what Indonesia’s strategic position is at the regional level.
It would be extremely premature to critique the foreign minister’s new foreign policy doctrine. However, constructive criticism should be allowed and public oversight needs to be strengthened in order to match the government’s “all-out diplomacy”. It would be better if the public could observe and control the execution of diplomacy and foreign policy practice, and criticize together if there are any mistakes.
Hopefully, the Natalegawa doctrine can help to offer a new way for Indonesia to achieve power in international politics.
The writer works at the Institute of International Studies at Gadjah Mada University, Yogyakarta.
Challenges for Indonesia as ASEAN chair
Bambang Hartadi Nugroho, Jakarta | Thu, 01/06/2011
A portentous opportunity for the nation to bolster its diplomatic achievements and standing in Southeast Asia has emerged as Indonesia readies itself to take over ASEAN’s rotating chair in 2011.
In 1976, when Indonesia chaired ASEAN, member states produced the Bali Concord I, which was based on the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC). It laid out the rules of the game for ASEAN and also for other powers that wanted to engage in any form of cooperation with ASEAN.
The recent signing and ratification of this treaty by Japan, China, and the United States further emphasized its importance to ASEAN as well as to the three nations.
Similarly, in 2003, ASEAN produced the Bali Concord II, which initiated the ASEAN Economic Community. Therefore, it is understandable if we expect another breakthrough from Indonesia this time around, probably in the form of a third Bali Concord.
The government of Indonesia under President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono seems enthusiastic and prepared to play a huge role, at least from what we can see on the surface.
If we examine the slogan that Indonesia chose for its chairmanship, ASEAN Community in a Global Community of Nations”, it can be inferred that Indonesia’s leadership over the next 12 months will be more outward-looking.
In the words of government officials, Indonesia will focus on carving a bigger role for ASEAN in international society, using the nation’s advantages as the world’s largest Muslim-majority nation and the only Southeast Asian nation in the G20.
Nevertheless, when we talk about regional cooperation, especially in the form of an organization, we will always face the question of “deepening” versus “widening”.
Deepening means the organization will focus more on internal improvements, such as strengthening its dispute settlement mechanism. Widening usually refers to enlarging membership, organizational roles
or issues covered. These options are not necessarily contradictory, yet priorities have to be set.
For ASEAN, executing both deepening and widening strategies will be very hard, considering the short period of the chairmanship. This means that Indonesia must choose which option to focus on. For those who believe that ASEAN still needs many organizational improvements, then, it will be considerably naïve for ASEAN to widen its role and seek influence externally while not devoting attention and energy to internal development.
If Indonesia focuses on deepening, it will find many unresolved challenges that need to be taken care of very seriously.
To begin with, Indonesia will be faced with the jargon of “people-centered association”, which needs to be translated into real action. Arranging events in which the ASEAN public will be involved is insufficient. Instead, within the aforementioned expression lies a mandate for any form of cooperation made within the framework of ASEAN to done for the benefit of the people.
ASEAN is often criticized for being too elitist. Such criticism is not entirely wrong, because people might feel that the cooperation or negotiations that have been happened inside ASEAN have not necessarily brought advantages to them.
For Indonesia, one immediate regional and national interest should be the protection of migrant workers.
As one of the largest sources of migrant workers, protection and promotion of their rights is Indonesia’s vital interest and needs to be one of the focuses of Indonesian foreign policy in ASEAN. This is also in line with voices from domestic constituents, who have urged the Indonesian government to step up efforts to protect its citizens abroad, including migrant workers.
The Declaration on the Protection and the Promotion of the Rights of Migrant Workers made in Cebu in 2007 is a good start, yet it needs to be closely monitored in execution.
If we look at the implementation of an ASEAN single market, which also includes the free flow of workers, then this issue will not only be the interest of Indonesia, but also of most of ASEAN’s member states. Therefore, as the incoming chair of ASEAN, Indonesia should promote this as one of the most important items on the agenda during its tenure.
Another goal that Indonesia needs to achieve is promotion of democracy and human rights. It is understood that some ASEAN states are, as some say, “in the process of transitioning towards democracy”. Those countries, which are relatively young in terms of ASEAN membership, are looking at other members for examples as to how democracy and human rights can be practiced.
Indonesia is a reference for those young members. Indonesia as one of the founding fathers and the incoming chair of ASEAN must be able to set a good example as to how to practice democracy and how to enforce human rights.
By the end of its tenure as ASEAN chair, Indonesia must be able to report not only to its citizens, but also to all citizens of ASEAN that it has done its best to convert ASEAN’s slogan of a “people-centered association” into people-centered policies.
The time for rhetoric in ASEAN is over. It is time for real action to benefit of the people. Hopefully Indonesia will be able to maximize its role as the chair of ASEAN in 2011.


The writer is an assistant lecturer in International Relations at the University of Indonesia in Depok, West Java.
Building ASEAN anew
C.P.F. Luhulima, Jakarta | Fri, 01/07/2011
Indonesia’s three foremost priorities for its tenure as ASEAN’s chair have been lucidly articulated by Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa.
The nation must assure that during 2011 substantial progress is made towards realizing the ASEAN Community in 2015; assure ASEAN’s leadership in regional architecture building, specifically to give crucial significance to the East Asia Summit, which has been expanded to include Russia and the US and develop a vision for an ASEAN Community and Global Community of Nations after 2015.
This article will limit itself to Indonesia’s leadership in regional architecture building with ASEAN as a center for such a structural design. “Our capability of including Russia and the United States in the process of thrashing out that regional architecture means creating a dynamic equilibrium,” Marty said.
What will be the major challenges of producing a regional architecture? All sovereign countries will at all times defend their independence and their uniqueness. The pursuit of national interests in a globalized world and particularly within ASEAN should no longer be founded on the concepts of Machiavelli nor of Lord Palmerston, who said nations have no permanent friends, only permanent interests. ASEAN has been built on compromises.
To continue to pursue member states’ national interests is no longer in line with the method of consensus building in ASEAN. What has changed in ASEAN is how people define their interests, and, in particular, the configurations by which they pursue them.
We are not eliminating national interests in ASEAN. But we have agreed that the best way to safeguard our interests is by cooperating with one another. Cooperation has contributed immensely to identifying and realizing ASEAN’s interests.
To avoid misunderstandings, interests have to be put on an equal footing with values and norms. Any foreign policy that is not based on common values and norms as enunciated in the ASEAN Communities Blueprints and the ASEAN Charter should be set aside. The values and norms that we have sanctioned in the charter and its constitutive documents should form the fundamentals of foreign policy.
The foreign policy of every member country should be based on those norms. These values and norms should become the core of our diplomacy and external actions and express our common identity. They should shape Indonesia’s and ASEAN’s stance in its relations with the world, in finding common solutions and in making commitments to create effective multilateral institutions to face new challenges in a globalized world.
To build an ASEAN-centered regional architecture defies simple approaches. An ASEAN architecture that can accommodate larger powers such as India, China, Russia and the US requires a strong Indonesia in a strong ASEAN.
Indonesia can offer only a relatively small counterbalance to India, China, Russia and the US in the game of maintaining a “dynamic equilibrium” in the new architecture.
However, those powers have already committed themselves to ASEAN values and norms by becoming party to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia as a requirement to join the East Asia Summit.
Recognition of ASEAN, and of Indonesia as primus inter pares, should be capitalized upon in initiating and constructing that visualized ASEAN-led regional architecture. As in the case of building ASEAN, such a regional architecture should also acknowledge cooperation among equals as a fundamental safeguard for their members’ interests.
Indonesia will initiate and shape that architecture during its chairmanship, as Marty specified, but the nation must realize that its leadership will only last one year.
Other smaller member countries will have to take over the venture in the years following Indonesia’s chairmanship. They will also have to manage ASEAN’s internal affairs and timelines to accomplish ASEAN’s community building by 2015 to sustain and further develop that architecture.
This means ASEAN must at the same time be supported by a strong regional institution to tackle regional issues and necessitate national adaptations to regional requirements, regional norms.
Managing and fulfilling ASEAN’s objectives with clearly set timelines requires a dedicated and autonomous regional institution. Thus ASEAN member states energies will be free to embark upon the bigger task of structuring a huge regional architecture. An ASEAN Secretariat will no longer be able to handle those tasks because of its inherent institutional character.
It is, thus, to set free the energy of ASEAN member countries to build that regional architecture that the ASEAN Secretariat must be developed into a more autonomous institution.
The secretariat must enable ASEAN to focus its energies more on the strategic importance of constructing that new Asia Pacific architecture and delegating non-strategic issues and decisions in ASEAN’s agenda of community building to the ASEAN Commission.
ASEAN’s current secretary-general, because of his prominence, can be designated as the commission’s chairman or president.
A redesign of the ASEAN Secretariat into an ASEAN Commission will reflect ASEAN’s shift from a regional forum for ministerial diplomacy into one of summit diplomacy and summit decisions.
This shift has, since 1992, with the initiation of AFTA and later agreements, taken authority away from the ASEAN Ministerial Meetings.
It is this transformation into a redesigned organizational structure that will enable ASEAN to sustain the efforts of structuring a regional architecture for the greatest benefit to the region, Southeast Asia and East Asia.
 The writer is a senior researcher at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences’ Center for Political Studies.
True, key facts in RI tourism
Turman Siagian, Jakarta | Tue, 02/16/2010
Taking notice of an opinion by Anak Agung Gde Agung entitled: Indonesia’s tourism — a national tragedy, published in Jan. 21, 2010, we would like to clarify some points.

First, we would like to provide a summary of key statistics on total tourist arrivals in Indonesia. It was shown that between 1995 and 2007 tourist arrivals in Indonesia fluctuated from between 4.4 to 5.3 million. The figure was seriously impacted by a series of tragedies, such as terrorism, earthquakes, tsunamis and epidemic diseases.
In 1997 we recorded the arrival of 5.18 million tourists. A year later, the economic crisis that was followed by a multidimensional crisis that contributed to the decline of visitor arrivals to 4.6 million.
The figure, however, gradually increased in the next three years, booking significant growth in 1999 (4.72 million), in 2000 (5.06 million) and in 2001 (5.15 million).

However, the number of foreign tourists decreased after the World Trade Center attacks in September 2001, which recorded a significant decline in visitor arrivals in Indonesia as well as in other countries. In 2002, 5.03 million tourists visited the country.
In the years following, the tourism industry in Indonesia has faced several major threats. Since 2002, travel warnings have been issued by a number of countries over terrorist threats and incidents in some areas in Indonesia that significantly reduced the number of foreign visitors. The bombing in Bali in 2002 was a major blow to the tourism sector, reducing visitor arrivals to 4.46 million in 2003.

Government and stakeholders have since then worked hand in hand, along with the support of other countries and NGOs to recover Indonesia’s tourism sector. A year later, in 2004, tourist arrivals increased to 5.32 million, marking the highest number of tourist arrivals in Indonesia.
But bombing incidents have occurred almost every year since then, again worsening the Indonesian tourism sector. The 2004 Australian Embassy bombing and the second Bali bombing in October 2005,
along with the December 2004 tsunami the Yogyakarta earthquake and the bird flu outbreak in 2005, caused tourist arrivals to decrease to 5.02 million in 2005 and 4.87 million in 2006.

Through various campaigns, the number of foreign tourist arrivals bounced back in 2007, booking an influx of 5.5 million tourists. The Visit Indonesian Year (VIY) 2008 campaign contributed to the increase of tourist arrivals to 6.42 million in 2008 — the highest ever in the country — contributing US$7.3 billion in tourism revenue. The VIY campaign also stimulated the growth of domestic tourists, at 225 million, who spent around Rp 123.17 trillion. The 2008 performance shows the significant growth of 16.4 percent from the previous year, the best result within ASEAN and the Asia-Pacific, which recorded growth of 10.26 percent and 3.48 percent, respectively.  
In 2009, despite the global economic crisis, with the general elections at home and the July 2009 JW Marriott-Ritz Carlton bombing, Indonesia’s tourism managed to show resistance, recording 6.4 million tourist arrivals.

Second, there was the government’s policy to develop Bali as a tourism icon. The government issued in 1972 a master plan for the Development of Tourism in Bali, making Bali the model for future tourism development for the rest of the country. This policy was also meant to attract international visitors to other destinations in regions from Sabang to Merauke. Programs, such as “Bali and Beyond” in 1990 and “Bali + 10”, were drawn up to support the development of other tourist destinations.
The government issued a ministerial regulation in 2007, determining 10 leading destinations, namely North Sulawesi, South Sulawesi, West Sumatra, East Nusa Tenggara, West Nusa Tenggara, North Sumatra, South Sumatra, Riau Islands, East Kalimantan and West Papua. The 10 destinations, with diverse characteristics and resources, were stimulated to develop their tourism potential.

Third, in the development of destinations outside Bali and Java, there are important matters to be considered: infrastructure, budget limitations and human resources.
Indonesia with a vast region and diverse ethnic group and culture — in other words, with the abundance of tourism potential — needs more effort and budget to promote and manage its tourism potential.

Fourth, it needs a brand image. We have to admit that neighboring Malaysia, Thailand and Singapore have succeeded in promoting their tourism by means of their international brandings, with the support of an adequate budget.
We have the “Indonesia Ultimate in Diversity”, and the strategy to promote our potential, but our promotional budget has been limited. In 2007 for example, Malaysia’s tourism promotional budget was $100 million, Singapore allocated $90 million, while we only had $15 million.

The government has introduced the 2010–2014 Tourism Development Plan, which no longer focuses on the number of foreign tourist arrivals, but more on the priorities below:
The development of tourism-human resources, quantitatively and qualitatively.
Tourism contribution on national revenue.
New investment quantities in the tourism industry.
Domestic tourism expenditure.
Revenue/foreign exchange earnings.
Based on the above facts and figures, we would like to inform that Indonesia’s tourism should not be compared with other countries for we face different situations that need special responses, policies and strategies.
The writer is a chief spokesman at the Culture and Tourism Ministry.