BACA ARTIKEL SITUASI HAM DI NEGERI KITA INI

PENTING -- BACA ARTIKEL SITUASI HAM DI NEGERI KITA INI

by Ibrahim Isa on Wednesday, 30 November 2011 at 12:24

PARA PEMBACA BUDIMAN

Artikel dibawah ini kuterima dari sahabat karib MUGIYANTO dari IKOHI.

PENTING ---- Baca!

Maka akan tambah wacana BAGAIMANA HAM DIBERLAKUKAJN di bawah pemerintahan SBY:

*Tak Merasakan Kemerdekaan di Negeri Ini*

KOMPAS, Kamis, 17 November 2011 | 05:07 AM

Kamar Petrus Bima Anugerah berukuran sekitar 2 meter x 2,5 meter yang

terletak di pojok belakang rumah kini telah menjadi gudang. Sebuah tempat

tidur dan bilah-bilah kayu yang dipasang di tembok bercat biru muda itu

dipenuhi buku-buku lama.

”Dulu, Bima dan teman-temannya biasa berdiskusi di sini,” cerita Dionisius

Utomo Rahardjo (66), ayah Bimo—begitu panggilan Petrus Bima—di rumahnya di

sebuah gang agak menurun di Jalan Tumenggung Suryo, Malang, Jawa Timur.

Rabu (2/11) pagi itu, ia bersiap berangkat ke Jakarta naik kereta ekonomi

pukul 14.00. Utomo diundang Komnas HAM untuk diberi surat keterangan status

korban penghilangan orang secara paksa periode 1997-1998. ”Saya disuruh

naik pesawat. Tapi, untuk apa saya naik pesawat kalau tidak ada solusi

nyata, bagaimana nasib anak saya yang hilang,” katanya.

Menurut laporan Komnas HAM, Petrus Bima diduga diculik Tim Mawar. Ia sudah

lama diincar pihak intelijen karena dianggap menjadi simpul utama yang

mengetahui jaringan dan kontak aktivis Partai Rakyat Demokratik (PRD) saat

itu. Ada deretan pihak yang bertanggung jawab, dari sembilan anggota Tim

Mawar, Kopassus, hingga Panglima ABRI dan Presiden Soeharto.

”Sudah 13 tahun tujuh bulan,” kata Utomo. Ia dan istrinya, Misiati (69),

mengaku sudah lelah. Namun, mereka tidak akan pernah menyerah. Sedih,

tetapi tidak terlarut dalam kesedihan. ”Hanya kekuatan dari Yang Maha Kuasa

yang bisa membuat kami bertahan,” kata Utomo.

Saat menceritakan putra keduanya (dari empat bersaudara) itu, Utomo dan

Misiati tanpa ekspresi marah dan sedih berlebihan. Tampak tenang, tetapi

tak tergoyahkan. Saat ditanya apakah waktu telah menggerus kesedihannya,

Misiati yang duduk di kursi yang busanya sudah melesak ke dalam menjawab

pelan, ”Itu, kan, anak saya.”

Misiati mengenang Bima sebagai anak yang tidak pernah membawa obrolan soal

politik ke rumah. Dari Jakarta, Bima kerap menulis surat kepada sang ibu.

”Di balik gedung-gedung tinggi Jakarta, banyak sekali orang-orang tidak

makan… Itulah yang kuperjuangkan, Bu,” tulis Bima dalam suratnya.

Utomo dan Misiati berpegang pada rekomendasi yang dikeluarkan Pansus DPR

tentang Orang Hilang 1997-1988. Rekomendasi itu adalah pembentukan

pengadilan HAM ad hoc, pencarian 13 orang yang oleh Komnas HAM dinyatakan

hilang, rehabilitasi dan kompensasi terhadap keluarga korban, ratifikasi

Konvensi Anti-penghilangan Paksa.

Surat rekomendasi itu sudah disampaikan kepada Presiden Susilo Bambang

Yudhoyono sejak akhir 2009, tetapi hingga kini belum ada tanggapan. Mantan

Ketua Pansus Effendi Simbolon mengatakan, kuncinya memang tinggal pada

iktikad Presiden Yudhoyono untuk menyelesaikan masalah itu. Menurut

Effendi, pemerintah seharusnya membentuk pengadilan HAM ad hoc untuk

menuntaskan masalah itu secara hukum yang adil. ”Presiden SBY jangan hanya

buat citra sebagai pembela HAM di mata internasional, tapi tidak

menyelesaikan masalah ini dan jadi catatan permanen sepanjang masa,” ujar

Effendi.

Utomo ingin anaknya dicari. Kalaupun Bima sudah meninggal, ia ingin ada

kepastian. Selama ini, mereka seperti diambang-ambang tak berdaya. ”Saya

ingin tahu kenapa Bima harus dibunuh. Dia anak muda, dia tak berdaya, dia

diikat, ditahan tentara. Kalau dia dibilang melawan, mana bisa dia melawan?

Kami ingin tahu kapan dan di mana dia meninggal,” kata Misiati.

Utomo tahu, para keluarga korban yang jumlahnya 12 orang berhadapan dengan

tembok kekuasaan besar dengan jalinan politik dan kepentingan yang rumit.

Ia sadar, ada latar politik yang rumit ketika tahun 1998 dan berlanjut pada

saat ini. Bahwa pelaku bisa saja prajurit rendahan yang harus taat kepada

perintah atasan. Namun, ia hanya minta kepastian, bagaimana nasib Bima.

”Saya dan keluarga saya tidak merasakan kemerdekaan di negara ini,” katanya.

Utomo dan Misiati masih terus menunggu. Bolak-balik ke Jakarta dijalani

Utomo walau menguras keuangan dan fisiknya. Pernah ada pihak yang

menawarkan supaya para keluarga korban bisa berdamai dengan ganti rugi uang

saja. Serta-merta Utomo dan para keluarga korban lainnya menolak. ”Saya

kirim SMS ke orang-orang yang mengusulkan itu untuk minum obat sakit jiwa.

Mereka bilang agar saya jangan terlalu keras. Tapi, saya bilang, saya tidak

akan menukar anak saya dengan uang darah,” katanya.

* Tak ada dukungan teman*

Utomo bercerita, teman-teman Bima, yang dulu aktif di PRD bahkan ikut jadi

korban penculikan, tidak ikut memberi dukungan politik bagi Utomo dan

keluarga untuk memperoleh kejelasan nasib Bimo. Hanya Mugianto yang saat

ini Ketua Ikatan Orang Hilang yang masih berjuang bersama para korban.

Menurut Utomo, mantan Ketua Umum PRD Budiman Sudjatmiko yang kini jadi

anggota PDI-P juga tidak pernah berusaha mengontak balik. Pernah juga ia

mengirimkan SMS kepada Andi Arief, teman Bima di Solidaritas Mahasiswa

Indonesia untuk Demokrasi—bagian dari PRD—yang kini staf khusus Presiden.

”Sempat ia balas beberapa kali, tapi waktu saya bilang dari Pak Utomo, dia

tidak pernah membalas lagi,” katanya.

Sekitar tiga tahun lalu, musibah menimpa keluarga itu sehingga mereka harus

terlilit utang. Tiga anaknya yang lain pun masih harus berusaha dari bawah.

Awalnya, pasangan itu tidak ingin menceritakan bagaimana mereka mengatur

keuangan karena harus kerap bolak-balik ke Jakarta. Utomo, setelah mendapat

persetujuan Misiati, akhirnya bercerita, dirinya menggadaikan rumah dan

pensiunnya. Kini, pemasukan mereka hanya Rp 317.000, sisa dari pensiun.

Usman Hamid dari Komisi untuk Orang Hilang dan Korban Tindak Kekerasan

menyoroti cinta yang besar Utomo dan Misiati kepada anaknya yang membuat

mereka tidak menyerahkan harapan. ”Begitulah seharusnya kita semua hidup,

dengan hati,” kata Usman.

(EDNA C PATTISINA)

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FOCUS: PAPUA

IBRAHIM ISA

Monday, 28 Nov 2011

----------------------------

FOCUS: PAPUA

* * *

• GIVE JAKARTA'S PAPUA INITIATIVE A CHANCE

• THOSE WHO WANT TO SPEAK ABOUT PAPUA SHOULD FIRST KNOW THE FACTS

• The REAL Papuan heroes are . . . .

• A PAPUAN SPEAKS IN PALEMBANG

• POLICE FORCED TO RELEASE PAPUAN “REBELS”

• WHO SPEAKS FOR LOCALS?

• Papuan Athletes Fly Flag for Troubled Region

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

GIVE JAKARTA'S PAPUA INITIATIVE A CHANCE

The Jakarta Post | Fri, 11/25/2011 Opinion

Neles Tebay

Calls for the Indonesian government to settle the long-standing conflict in Papua through dialogue with representatives of local people are no longer relevant.
The government of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has publicly admitted the need to hold a dialogue with Papuans in order to seek better solutions and options to settle the issue.

The government has already taken the initiative to realize the much-awaited dialogue. Demonstrating his commitment to developing a prosperous and peaceful Papua, the President has taken two progressive initiatives. First, he has appointed Lt. Gen. (ret) Bambang Darmono as the head of the Special Unit for Acceleration of Development in Papua and West Papua (UP4B).

Looking from the Papuan perspective, Darmono’s appointment is very meaningful — not only for Papua but also for Jakarta. The central government and the local governments of Papua and West Papua now know and should recognize Darmono as the man who is fully in charge of development in the country’s easternmost territory.

Darmono is the one who will coordinate activities related to the acceleration of development in the two natural resource-rich provinces. He will also be playing a mediating role between central and local governments by conveying messages from Jakarta to Papua and vice versa.

Second, the President has appointed Farid Husein, an Indonesian negotiator in the Aceh peace process six years ago, as his special envoy in the dialogue with the Papuans.
The Papuans understand that Farid is assigned not to deal with issues related to development. Rather, he is representing the President in initiating talks with various groups, including leaders of the Free Papua Movement (OPM), a rebel separatist group.

The OPM is composed of a political and armed wing. Leaders of the political wing are scattered across Papua and West Papua provinces, as well as overseas such as in Australia, Vanuatu, Papua New Guinea, the US, the UK and the Netherlands. They are persistently campaigning for an independent state in West Papua.

Meanwhile, commanders of the armed wing live in the jungles of Papua. They adopt hit-and-run tactics in their resistance against the Indonesian government, which is represented by the police and military.
Therefore, as the President’s special envoy Farid should visit all the OPM’s leaders, both in Papua and overseas. He will then communicate to them Jakarta’s commitment to the dialogue and at the same time tap into their opinions of the dialogue. By so doing, both parties can develop a better understanding of each other and mutual trust, which are required if the dialogue is to proceed.

It is good to know that Farid has already started to visit some of the Papuan leaders (The Jakarta Post, Nov. 17).
Under President Yudhoyono, the government has opened up wider possibilities and demonstrated a commitment to talks that will settle the Papua issue through peaceful means.

All parties in Papua and Jakarta have to support this commitment.
To show their good will to find a peaceful solution to the conflict, Papuan leaders, both in Papua and abroad, as well as commanders of the OPM armed wing, should welcome the visit of Farid.

Genuine support should also come from other related parties, such as local and central governments, the police, the Indonesian Military (TNI), regional and provincial legislative councils in Papua and West Papua provinces, the House of Representatives, the Regional Representatives Council (DPD) and the Papua People’s Assembly (MRP) by creating a favorable atmosphere on the ground for the talks.

This government’s initiative also requires full support from the international community. The US and the UK have already manifested their respective support for the Indonesian initiative to settle the Papua conflict through dialogue with the Papuans.

It is also important to have similar support from all Melanesian states in the Melanesian Spearhead Group: Australia, New Zealand, Pacific Island Forum, the European Union and ASEAN countries. Their support can be manifested through a variety of ways and means.
For the sake of peace and prosperity in the territory, all parties can contribute to the settlement of the Papua issue by giving the government’s initiative a chance.

The writer is a lecturer at the Fajar Timur School of Philosophy and Theology in Abepura, Papua.

— JP

THOSE WHO WANT TO SPEAK ABOUT PAPUA SHOUDL FIRST KNOW THE FACTS

Puguh Sadadi, London | Thu, 11/24/2011

The call by Eni F. H. Faleomavaega and Donald M. Payne in The Jakarta Post on Nov. 18 on Indonesia to “Step up and end systematic abuses in ‘West Papua’” is another example of one those apparently eloquent opinion pieces, full of emotion but short on facts, produced by supporters of secession of the Indonesian part of the island of Papua.

Let’s try to deal with Faleomavaega’s and Payne’s arguments, where emotion and misinformation, either due to ignorance or as a deliberate move, have replaced the facts.
There is no country, and there has never been a country, called West Papua; neither has there been a country with a similar name.

Historically, there was the Dutch — or western — part of the island of New Guinea, as it was called, of the former Netherlands East Indies (NEI), in the same way as there is now an Indonesian part of the island of Papua. The eastern half is now the independent state of Papua New Guinea (PNG).
Inhabitants of both halves of the island are now being called Papuans, who are indeed related to the Melanesian peoples of the South Pacific. But, over the centuries and increasingly in recent times, other peoples from nearby East and Southeast Asia and Europeans have settled in both parts of the island of Papua.

Without any substantiation, Faleomavaega and Payne allege that on Oct. 19, “Indonesian security forces opened fire” on so-called “West Papuans”, killing “at least three”, who had gathered at the third Papuan People’s Congress. The facts regarding these tragic deaths are still under investigation. Such an isolated incident cannot be regarded as systematic abuse without substantial evidence.

In contrast, systematic attacks by the Free Papua Movement, which have killed many Papuan police officers, were never raised by Faleomavaega and Payne.
Indonesia’s media and public relations in regard to its domestic problems might not be as thorough as the US media management in detailing the cases of military abuse in Afghanistan and Iraq, but Indonesia is indeed moving forward to strengthen its democracy and protect its own people.

Other people were apparently detained after the Papuan Peo-ple’s Congress, including Forkorus Yaboisembut, the self-styled, newly elected “President” of the so-called “Republic Federal State of West Papua”.

People who are intent to start an insurgency and a secessionist movement can expect a firm response under the jurisdiction of any state; Filep Karma was imprisoned in 2004 for raising a flag that symbolizes insurgency and secession.
For instance, in the respective federal republics of Germany and Austria, displaying flags and symbols of the former “Third Reich” is illegal and is a punishable crime! In this particular case, the level of punishment may need further judicial review to create balanced justice and security.

Faleomavaega and Payne continue with the usual misrepresentation of the historical facts to suit the narrative of the supporters of the secessionist movement, the minority in the Indonesian part of the island of Papua, and their equally small but vociferous foreign supporters.

So-called “West Papua” was not “handed over to Indonesia” by what some are trying to ridicule as the 1969 “Act of No Choice”.

On the contrary, this was the end of a long, slow and painful — for all those concerned — process of decolonization in the former NEI, following the proclamation of Indonesian independence on Aug. 17, 1945, because of Dutch intransigence and obstructionism in recognizing that the Republik Indonesia was the legitimate sovereign successor of the territory, including the western part of the island of Papua, under the principle of uti posseditis juris, which was endorsed by the UN as the guiding legal principle for decolonization.

The Dutch authorities had to be brought kicking and screaming by the UN, the US and Australia between 1945 and 1949, and again during 1959-1962, before accepting the legally and historically inevitableAnd it is equally unhistorical by Faleomavaega and Payne to suggest that prior to the Dutch colonial conquest there were no historical and cultural ties between the peoples of Papua and those of Sumatra, Java and Bali; archaeological, historical and anthropological evidence, in fact, point to long-standing and lively contacts.

It was the Europeans, such as the Portuguese and the Dutch, who gave the name of New Guinea to the island of Papua because the skin color of its inhabitants reminded them of the peoples they had met on the Guinea littoral of West Africa.
Indeed, the peoples of a Pacific (Melanesian and Polynesian) ethnic and cultural background live in the “Great East” of Indonesia, as they have historically done so in the past; in the same way as people with cultural and ethnic links to Southeast Asia and beyond have historically lived in the western part of the Indonesian archipelago.

It is Western colonialism and imperialism that ultimately divided peoples of similar ethnic and cultural backgrounds, such as, for instance, the Malay of Sumatra and the Malaccan Peninsula, or the peoples of northern Kalimantan, all of which now make up the Malaysian federation, from the rest of Kalimantan, as much as the peoples of the island of Papua became divided.

The desire to undo the course of history unilaterally and through physical force will only create mayhem and havoc.
It is therefore disingenuous and duplicitous of Faleomavaega and Payne to allege that whatever grievances as exist in Papua are caused by “racism”, invoking as they do the words of Nelson Mandela to support their argument, when he fought tooth and nail against the division of South Africa along racial lines and for the establishment of the Republic of South Africa as a “Rainbow Nation”!

The Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia equally cherishes diversity and officially guarantees equal rights, culturally and otherwise, for its people of different cultural traditions.
Whatever grievances may exist in the present, or may have taken place in the past, about the “1969 Act”, or allegations of human rights abuses, environmental degradation and economic underdevelopment, they must be solved peacefully and constitutionally within that context.

The writer is an Indonesian diplomat based in London, UK. The views expressed are his own.

Donny | Sun, 27/11/2011 - OPINION:

The REAL Papuan heroes are the Papuans that try to achieve succes and fortune within the framework of the Republic of Indonesia.

The West Papua seperatist supporters fail to see the reality of demographics. A large percentage of Papua's population are the offspring of transmigrants nowadays. No matter what you think of them, many have made a living in Papua, many were born there, all of them have a right to stay there.

Any scenario's of Papuan independence will have to deal with a huge number of non-papuans living in that country. So what to do then? Mass deportation? A Malaysian style bumiputera system for ethnic papuans? Racial conflict on the scale we've seen in Ambon? Even if the Indonesian government would leave today, ethnic Papuans would still have a huge social and economic disadvantage compared to their transmigrant countrymen. Even after ten years of Papuan independence, people would still be complaining about 'Javanese domination'. Mark my words.

The time that an independent West Papua was feasible is over.

So keep on dreaming and keep writing your commentaries from the safety of your home. The REAL Papuan heroes are the Papuans that try to achieve succes and fortune within the framework of the Republic of Indonesia. Such as the talented Papuan footballers that got Indonesia to the SEA games final.

A PAPUAN SPEAKS IN PALEMBANG

The Jakarta Post | Tue, 11/22/2011

“Please, never underestimate the Papuan people,” said Franklin Ramses Burumi, the talented young sprinter and Papuan native who has contributed three gold medals to Indonesia’s tally in track and field at the 26th SEA Games in Palembang, South Sumatra.

I believe he did not intend to be arrogant because he also represented his fellow Papuans. His message tried to remind us of these forgotten people. I definitely agree with him. I would say that we should see Papuans as important as other people and treat them with honor and respect.

Papua has been a troubled province over the past few months. Bloodshed occurred following a massive strike at PT Freeport Indonesia. Then, violence reared its head following the third Papuan’s People Congress in Abepura. But Papuan athletes have shone brightly in this sporting competition. They have contributed greatly to promoting the name of Indonesia in sports. During the past decade the country has had almost nothing to be proud of.
“I tried to stay focused on defending the red and white squad. I wanted to help Indonesia win gold,” said Franklin’s fellow Papuan Titus Bonai, who is now a rising star of Indonesia’s soccer squad.

We have to be aware of the performance of Papuan athletes. It must be a wake up call for us, especially for Indonesia’s elites, to send a sign that Papua really exists. When our dignity as a nation has dropped to its lowest point because of the disgraceful actions of our elites, sport has often become a savior, serving to unite Indonesians and raise their pride. During the SEA Games, glittering athletes from Papua have surprised us. Unfortunately, sinful elites look at Papua and the only thing they see that glitters is the province’s gold.

Not only have Papuans shown their quality in sport, but they have also proven that they are indeed a black pearl from the east that is still able to shine despite life in the motherland not being as glittering as the gold they own.
Those who love this country must surely also love Papua and will defend it as part of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI). However, we should not forget what happened with Timor Leste, the former 27th province of Indonesia that separated from us in 1999.

Papua bears similarities with Timor Leste in that it has experienced oppression, poverty and injustice, despite it being granted special autonomy status. Do we think that Timor Leste’s déjà vu is an absurdity? Are we overconfident that the snow ball is not already rolling and will not run over us?

Moreover, Papua has more abundant natural resources than Timor Leste, which should boost its confidence. It will make our sleep restless every night before it is settled amicably. And it will never be settled amicably with guns.
To be frank and honest, we need Papua more than Papua needs us. Perhaps if Papua separated it might even become more advanced than Indonesia in the future, with its soccer team enjoying international success, while Indonesia still struggles with corruption, deception and hypocrisy.

Titus Jonathan
Serpong, Banten

---------------

POLICE FORCED TO RELEASE PAPUAN “REBELS”

Jayapura. In a major embarrassment for Indonesian authorities, police have been forced to release 12 innocent men just 24 hours after National Police announced they had made a major breakthrough in the war against the Free Papua Movement (OPM).

Puncak Jaya Police shot and killed one man, also presumably innocent, during the same raid on Wednesday.
On Thursday, National Police Spokesman Gen. Saud Usman Nasution said that after months of pursuit they had arrested the 12 men believed to be part of a larger group responsible for a number of armed attack on security authorities, including the killing of Mulia Police Chief Adj. Comr. Dominggus Otto Awe on Oct. 24.

“We have successfully arrested 12 people alive, but one was shot dead when he tried to escape during the operation on Wednesday,” Saud said.
Puncak Jaya Police Chief Adj. Sr. Comr. Alex Korwa said on Friday, however, that they had released the men because they had “no proof” that the men were OPM rebels.

Julex K, a prominent member of the Mulia community in Puncak Jaya, told the Jakarta Globe that people in the violence-torn are were living in fear, scared that police would repeat the same mistake.

He said a curfew had also been imposed.
“After 7 p.m, there are no more people going out of their houses,” Julex said. “Mulia people are uneasy with the existence of Mobile Brigade [police officers] as they suspicious of our communication and limit the freedom of people’s activities.”

He also said that people with a certain appearance, such as with beards and long and dread-locked hair were often arrested.
“We are scared and are no longer free to do daily activities.”
The Papua branch of the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) was quick to criticize the arrests.

“Police must uphold the law according to existing procedures and regulations and not just randomly arrest and shoot people,” said Matius Murib, the Komnas HAM deputy chairman.
“When they arrest someone, they need to have sufficient preliminary evidence. These kinds of actions create further unrest among civilians.”

Al Araf, the program director at human rights watchdog Imparsial, said the police’s actions were in keeping with their treatment of all indigenous Papuans as suspected separatists.
“This is a very serious problem that needs to be immediately stopped,” he said.

These kinds of attitudes, he added, impede negotiations between Papua and Jakarta aimed at increasing development in the region and quelling the growing separatist sentiment there.
Johnson Panjaitan of Indonesian Police Watch said the National Police must be willing to admit that they had made the arrests with inadequate evidence and acknowledge responsibility for an innocent civilian’s death.
“They can’t just arrest someone for nothing,” he said.

Johnson added that the National Police’s internal affairs unit should investigate the incident.
Araf said that for decades the police had enjoyed impunity for violence and illegal arrests in Papua, which further encouraged them to engage in such behavior.
He pointed to the seven police officers who received only written warnings for their role in a brutal crackdown on last month’s peaceful Papuan People’s Congress, where an independent West Papuan state was declared.

The violence led to the deaths of at least six congress participants and three bystanders. Komnas HAM’s investigation into the deaths found that a number of congress participants had been tortured.
When asked over the phone to respond to allegations of rights violations, Alex, the Puncak Jaya Police chief, raised his voice and said, “Don’t ask me about that. That is internal police business.” He then hung up.

The National Police has struggled to locate the Papuan militants, who use dense forest areas and rugged terrain to cover their tracks.
Saud, speaking on Thursday, said that group members had also been blending in with civilians in the area. He said the National Police were increasing security ahead of Dec. 1, which is the OPM’s anniversary.
With the date nearing, a number of text messages have been circulating calling for massive pro-independence rallies and the occupation of strategic government installations.

Papua Police chief Insp. Gen Bigman Lumban Tobing said people should not believe the messages, which he blamed on “irresponsible” people.
Violence has plagued Papua since 1969, when Indonesia took over control of the region from the Dutch, ignoring Papuan demands for political sovereignty. Allegations of injustice have fueled the mounting pro-independence demands in Papua.
Jakarta granted the region special autonomy in 2001, but with the absence of improvements on the security and human rights fronts, the situation has failed to quell widespread separatist sentiments.

--------------------

As Calls for Dialogue in Papua Rise, Govt Asks:

WHO SPEAKS FOR LOCALS?
Agus Triyono & Markus Junianto Sihaloho | November 24, 2011

While experts and activists agree that mutual dialogue is the only way to solve problems of growing separatist sentiment and lack of economic development in Papua, finding the right people to talk to is a different matter altogether.

Farid Hussein of the Unit for the Acceleration of Development in Papua and West Papua (UP4B) said on Wednesday that with hundreds of tribes and political elites, finding a unifying figure who could speak on behalf of all Papuans was nearly impossible.

The unit, he said, is mapping out the various leaders in Papua, with whom the government will stage discussions.
“The mapping is done to get figures who can truly represent Papuan people and communities, whose voice can immediately be heard and implemented by people there,” he said. “And there are a lot of figures there.”

Farid, who previously negotiated with rebels in Aceh, said the mapping could take some time.
“Based on my experience in Aceh, the mapping could take two years,” he said. “But it could be less or even more than that.”
The UP4B, he said, will try to accommodate different groups in Papua, including armed rebel group the Free Papua Organization (OPM).
Rev. Socratez Sofyan Yoman, a Papuan religious leader, said in a hearing at the House of Representatives that Papuans could not afford to wait out a lengthy mapping process, stressing that dialogue must be conducted immediately.

“This is about a mutual and dignified dialogue,” he said. “Papuan problems are not those concerning welfare. Papuans are not poor, they are not hungry, so stop these demeaning statements.
“Just go to each district and listen to the people there one by one, listen to what they want. Just listen with your own ears.”

The National Commission for Human Rights (Komnas HAM) called on the government to reorganize the security forces’ presence in Papua.
“We don’t need units like Brimob [the police Mobile Brigade] or Densus 88 [antiterror unit] to uphold the law there,” said Komnas HAM chairman Ifdhal Kasim.

Muridan Satrio Widjojo, a senior researcher at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), said the overwhelming number of security forces in Papua and West Papua had created a vicious cycle of violence there.

“You cannot break the cycle [of violence] by deploying more troops and conducting more military operations,” he said.
Police and the military have been accused of torturing and abusing the human rights of unarmed Papuans as well as enjoying impunity under the excuse that they are fighting a rebel movement in the province.

Sayid Fadhal Al Hamid of the Papuan Customary Council (DAP) said that military officers from Jakarta always stigmatized Papuans as “curly-haired men who cause trouble.”
“The military must commit itself,” he said. “Stay out of the dialogue. Don’t do anything that can destroy the peace process.”

* * *

Papuan Athletes Fly Flag for Troubled Region
November 21, 2011

By firing his side into the Southeast Asian Games football final, Titus Bonai earned the adulation of all Indonesians, but his success perhaps resonated most in his troubled home region of Papua.

“Papuans call us to send their support — from the capital Jayapura even to the most remote parts,” the wildly popular striker, whose goals in Indonesia’s five games and Mohican hairstyle have catapulted him to fame, told AFP.
“So I think it means something to them to see Papuans playing in the national team.”

Papuan athletes have starred in Indonesian colors at this year’s Games, with sport — for a brief moment at least — widening the focus from the violence and political unrest afflicting their region.
Papua region is split into Papua province and the smaller West Papua province. Jayapura is the capital of Papua province.

For decades, ethnic Papuans have rejected the region’s special autonomy status within Indonesia and poorly armed separatist groups have fought a low-level insurgency.
Tribal and local leaders accuse the central government of robbing rich forests and mines, polluting water and land in the resource-rich province, and putting little back into one of the country’s poorest areas.

Rights groups, such as Human Rights Watch, say that Indonesian forces have killed civilians and imprisoned peaceful activists in an effort to quell the unrest. The region is off-limits to foreign journalists.
The simmering problems have come back to boil in recent weeks.

Thousands of Papuans in Jayapura staged a protest earlier this month calling for a vote on self-determination — after which at least three people were found dead — while an ongoing strike over wages at a giant US-owned gold and copper mine has seen nine people die nearby.

“I’m not sure if sport can help Papua overcome its problems, but for now I’m going to focus on developing my talent to inspire others. That’s the part I can play,” Bonai said.
“Hopefully through football we can feel a sense of unity and respect.”
Fellow Papuan Patrich Wanggai scored the first goal in Saturday’s semi-final against Vietnam, before Bonai’s deflected shot found the net to ensure the hosts’ footballers made the final in front of 90,000 delirious fans.

Bonai and co. face arch-rivals Malaysia in Monday night’s showdown, gifting deeply patriotic Indonesians the dream opportunity to revel in the demise of their nemesis.
But they are far from the only Papuan success stories.

The 20-year-old Franklin Ramses Burumi took gold in both the headline 100-meter and 200-meter sprints, while Serafi Anelis Unani claimed the women’s 100-metre title.
Papuan fighter Yolanda Asmuruf also secured a karate gold.
Burumi’s time of 10.37 seconds put him within range of the 10.17 secs record for the fastest man in Southeast Asia, set by Indonesian Suryo Agung Wibowo.

Indonesian media has responded enthusiastically to the Papuan factor, hailing it as a potential watershed in relations.
And in spite of the recent upsurge in violence, fans have gathered at cafes and street food stalls in Jayapura to closely follow the fortunes of Indonesia’s footballers.

“Football is full of pride,” fan Fernando Fairyo said, watching the game with his family.
“This sport can help eliminate ethnic and political differences.”
Indonesia midfielder Octavianus Maniani says that while football is “beyond politics,” the achievements of fellow Papuan players will be felt 3,800 kilometers away from Jakarta in his home area.

“I am a citizen of Indonesia so I feel honored to play for the Indonesian team. We want to bring something positive to all Indonesians,” he said.
“But when Papuan children see Papuans playing on the team, they see a better Indonesia.”

Agence France-Presse

* * *

IN MEMORIAM SAHABAT-LAMA Jan AVÉ

Ibrahim Isa

Jum'at, 25 November 2011

---------------------------------

IN MEMORIAM SAHABAT-LAMA Jan AVÉ

*    *    *

<Sajak Toon Hermans (1916-2000), kabareterir Belanda, pelukis, penyanyi dan penyair, di bawah ini dikutip oleh keluarga Jan B. Avé, dalam berita-duka meninggalnya J.B. Avé, yang disampaikannya kepada teman-teman>:

KALAU AKU SUDH TAK ADA LAGI

Kalau aku sudah tak ada lagi

jangan berduka sandiwara

Makanlah keju perancis

roti-batang dan minum anggur

Aku juga tidak mau

dipajang di dalam guci

Aku hanya ingin

menjadi bagian dari Commeyras

(gubahan sajak Toon Hermans)

* * *

Sudah agak lama juga kami tidak berkomunikasi, antara lain disebabkan kesehatannya. Biasanya sesekali Jan Avé, menilpun ke rumah. Kami selalu cakap-cakap mengenai banyak hal. Teristimewa mengenai tanah air tercinta, Indonesia. Dan 'diskusi' kami itu paling sedikit makan waktu setengah sampai satu jam. Jan Avé tak pernah luput mengikuti terus perkembangan tanah air.

Jan Avé yang tinggal di sebuah desa di Perancis itu, sekali tempo mengundang kami, Murti dan aku, untuk 'jalan-jalan' ke 'pondoknya' di Commeyras, sebuah desa di Perancis. Jan Avé cerita bahwa Bung Cip (A.S. Munandar) dan Zus Ciska (Fanggidaej) pernah juga berlibur di kediamannya di Commeyras. Datanglah, katanya. Nanti akan saya jemput kalian di stasiun. Kami gembira dan berrencana akan mengunjungi dan bermalam di rumah keluarga Jan Avé. Sayang, rencana ini tak sampai terlaksana.

Kami, dari Stichting Wertheim punya hubungan khusus dengan Jan Avé. Ketika Jan Avé meninggalkan Indonesia menuju Eropah, ia dititipi sebuah lukisan Hendra Goenawan (Lukisannya yang terkenal “GERILYA”). Maksudnya agar lukisan tsb dijual dan dana digunakan untuk keperluan keluarga-keluarga korban. Ketika itu pelukis terkenal Indonesia Hendra Goenawan sudah dijebloskan dalam penjara Orba.

Go Gien Tjwan, Wakil Ketua Stichting Wertheim, yang mengetahui titipan Luikisan Hendra Goenawan itu, menghubungi Jan Avé. Jan Avé kemudian menyerahkan lukisan Hendra Goenawan kepada Goe Gien Tjwan. Atas nama masyarakat Indonesia di Belanda, lukisan itu diserahkan kepada Prof Wertheim berkenaan dengan ultah ke-80 Prof Wertheim. Sebagai kelanjutan pembicaraan Go Gien Tjwan dengan Prof Wertheim, lukisan itu diserahkan sebagai sumbangan, dalam perjuangn melawan Orba, kepada Stichting Wertheim.

Lukisan Hendra Goenawan yang dibawa oleh Jan Avé, itulah yang menjadi dana pertama Stichting Wertheim dalam kegiatan selanjutnya. Stichting Wertheim dengan resmi menyatakan terimakasihnya kepada Jan Avé dengan penyerahan lukisan Hendra Goenawan kepada Stichting Wertheim. Selanjutnya Jan Avé selalu menyumbangkan bantuannya kepada Stichting Wertheim.

* * *

Jan Avé kukenal sejak akhir tahun limapuluhan abad lalu di Indonesia. Ketika itu Jan Avé aktif sebagai anggota HSI (Himpunan Sarjana Indonesia). Selain itu beliau juga aktif dalam sementara lembaga persahabatan Indonesia dengan negeri-negeri Sosialis ketika itu. Jan Avé adalah dosen antropologi di Universitas Indonesia, Jakarta.

Orangnya ramah, gembira dan antusias dalam kegiatan sosial-budaya. Yang khas dari Jan Avé, ialah kehangatannya dengan kawan seperjuangan. Beliau selalu kritis terhadap segala sesuatu. Selalu memberikan pertimbangan-pertimbangan yang jarang difikirkan teman-teman lainnya.

Jan Avé sudah tiada.

Kenang-kenangan mengenai sahabat lama Jan Avé akan selalu teringat, sebagai kawan-lama, pejuang lama, yang kecintaan dan pengabdiannya pada tanah air dan bangsa tak pernah terlupakan sepanjang masa.

Semoga putra-putri dan cucu-cu yang ditinggalkan, serta sanak keluarga, tabah menghadapi kepergian Jan Avé.

Doa kami panjatkan agar arwahnya diterima di sisi Tuhan Y.M.E.

Amsterdam, 25 November 2011.

* * *

PROVOKASI TERBARU GEERT WILDERS

Kolom IBRAHIM ISA

Rabu, 23 November 2011

---------------------------------

PROVOKASI TERBARU GEERT WILDERS – MEMUSUHI ISLAM Dan Anti-TURKI, ---------

Dilawan Oleh Orang-orang Belanda sendiri.

Kalau bukan membikin provokasi anti-Islam lagi, politisi Belanda Geert Wilders, bukan Geert Wilders namanya. Provokasi yang bikin geger media mancanegara, ialah ketika Geert Wilders membikin film“dokumenter” anti-Islam berjudul “FITNA”. Geert Wilders berulang kali berseru kepada publik Belanda, Eropah dan negeri-negeri Barat lainnya, untuk melarang Kitab Suci Islam “Al Quran”

Geert Wilders dengan keji memfitnah bahwa “Al Quran” sama dengan buku Hitler “Mein Kampf”, dimana Hitler menguraikan visinya mengenai Jerman, sebagai bangsa Germania yang punya ras superiur dan anti-Jahudi. Maka bangsa Jerman, menurut Hitler harus memimpin bangsa-bangsa lain didunia ini, dan bahwa bangsa Jahudi harus dibasmi dari permukaan dunia.

Tetapi, ternyata sebuah buku pelajaran di Den Haag (Nov 2008), malah menyamakan film anti-Islam Geert Wilders “FITNA”, --- dengan buku Hitler “Mein Kampf”. Buku pelajaran, yang disebarkan pada “HARI RESPEK”, ke lebih dari 2000 sekolah-sekolah dasar di Belanda, dinyatakan bahwa “film dokumenter Geert Wilders berjudul “FITNA”, dan buku Hitler “MEIN KAMPF” didasarkan pada angan-angan yang berat sebelah”.

* * *

Tak lama kemudian Geert Wilders tampil lagi dengan 'gebrakan anti-Islam yg baru' , yaitu agar izin untuk membangun mesjid , musolah dan sekolah-sekolah Islam di Belanda, dihentikan samasekali. Imam-imam orang Maroko dan Turki, yang berpraktek di Belanda, diharuskan memberikan khotbah dan dakwah mereka dalam bahasa Belanda. Ia mendesak agar kepada perempuan Muslimah yang memakai jilbab di muka umum, dikenakan pajak.

* * *

SEDIKIT LATAR BELAKANG SIKAP POLITIK ANTI-ISLAM GEERT WILDERS:

Provokasi anti-Islam terbaru Geert Wilders: Adalah agar Nederland membatalkan rencana tahun 2012, untuk memperingati 400 tahun hubungan diplomatik Nederland-Turki. Rupanya pemerintah Belanda merencanakan , dalam tahun 2012, secara besar-besaran memperingati 400 tahun hubungan Nederland-Turki dalam pelbagai kegiatn kenegaraan dan masyarakat yang dikordinir oleh petugas dari Kementerian LN Belanda. Dalam rangka ini Presiden Turki Abdullah Gül diundang mengadakan kunjungan kenegaraan ke Belanda.

Maksud pemerintah Belanda memperingati secara meriah dan besar-besaran 400 tahun terjalinnya hubungan diplomatik Nederland dan Turki, dapat difahami. Ketika negeri Belanda sangat memerlukan banyak tenaga kerja (yang murah) pada periode pertumbuhan pesat ekonomi Belanda (tahun 60-70-an abad lalu), tenaga kerja yang diperlukan itu didatangkan dari Turki dan Marok. Dua negeri yang penduduknya sebagian terbesar beragama Islam. Di negeri Belanda sekarang berdiam hampir sejuta penduduk yang beragama Islam.

Termasuk dalam jumlah itu, -- kira-kira 400.000 orang Turki dan .300.000 orang Maroko. Sekarang mereka sudah menjadikan Belanda negeri kedua mereka. Mereka telah beranak bercucu di negeri Belanda. Mereka bukan TKW yang datang melamar pekerjaan ke negeri Belanda. Tetapi didatangkan ke Belanda atas persetujuan dua negeri. Penyebabnya ialah – bahwa negeri Belanda, ketika itu, samgat memerlukan tenaga kerja (murah) dalam jumlah besar, demi kepentingan pertumbuhan pesat ekonominya sendiri. Jumlah hampir sejuta orang Muslim Turki dan Maroko bermukim di Belanda, dan yang sudah banyak menjadi wn Belanda, --- adalah kelanjutan wajar dari politik ekonomi Belanda sendiri terhadap Turki dan Maroko.

Orang-orang Turki dan Maroko, serta imigran lainnya seperti orang-orang Hindustan-Suriname, Bosnia, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Indonesia-Suriname, Bangladesh, dll, --- sebagai penganut agama Islam memerlukan tempat ibadah. Mereka mendirikan mesjid, musolah dan sekolah Islam. Demikianlah, berangsur-angsur berdiri mesjid-mesjid, lembaga-lembaga pendidikan dan sekolah-sekolah Islam. Sehingga seakan-akan tumbuhnya jamur di musim hujan. Sebegitu jauh belum ada soal-soal atau kasus konflik antara penduduk Belanda yg beragama Kristen dan Jahudi, dengan penduduk yang beragama Islam. Mereka hidup pada pokoknya dalam suasana toleransi.

* * *

Peristiwa pemboman Twin Towers dari World Trade Centre, di New York (11 September 2001), yang menyebabkan sekitar 3000 orang tewas, dimana pelaku-pelaku pemboman tsb adalah orang-orang Arab yg beragama ISLAM, telah menimbulkan arus sikap dan sentimen “anti-Islam” di dunia Barat. Orang-orang di Barat dengan gampang-gampangan mengambil kesimpulan, bahwa Islam adalah identik dengan terorisme; bahwa “jihad” adalah “terorisme Islam”.

Suasana seperti disebut diatas, di negeri-negeri Barat, antara lain di Belanda, telah menciptakan kondisi lahirnya tokoh-tokoh dan politikus-politikus oportunis yang mencari dukungan dan popularitas bagi kelompok dan dirinya sendiri, dengan menyalah gunakan suasana 'takut terorisme Islam' dan khawatir negeri Belanda akan dibanjiri arus kaum migran dari Asia dan Afrika, yang banyak adalah penganut agama Islam, ketika itu.

Geert Wilders, anggota Parlemen Belanda sekarang ini, adalah salah seorang dari tokoh politik elite yang dimaksud. Wilders tadinya anggota partai liberal beraliran Kanan di Belanda, --- VVD, Dalam tahun 2004 Geert w\ilders nyebal dari VVD,. Soalnya: -- ia bertolak belakang dengan sikap politik partainya, sekitar kasus permintaan Turki untuk menjadi anggota

Uni Eropah.

* * *

Apa provokasi anti-Islam Geert Wilder kali ini?

Geert Wilders menulis di s.k. De Volkskrant (19/11-2011) bahwa rencana pemerintah Belanda, dalam tahun 2012, mengadakan perayaan untuk memperingati 400^th dijalinnya hubungan diplomatik Nederland-Turki dengan a.l menyampaikan undangan kenegaraan kepada presiden Turki, Abdullah Gül, SUPAYA DIBATALKAN SAJA.

Menurut Geert Wilders tak ada yg harus dirayakan. Rezim Islam presiden Gül, dan orang separtainya, PM Erdogan, bukanlah sahabat sesungguhnya dari Barat. Maka juga bukan sahabat sesungguhnya negeri Belanda. Presiden Gül tidak welkom di Belanda. Demikian Wilders.Wilders mengulangi lagi bahwa “Turki tak punya tempat di Eropah yang merupakan masyarakat yang memiliki nilai dan norma.

Kontan, ketua fraksi D66 dalam Parlemen Belanda, Alexander Pechtold, merespons artikel Wilders. Pechtold menyebut pendapat Geert Wildres itu, ABSURD. Alias, tidak masuk akal! Tidak normal. Ditambahkannya bahwa sikap Wilders itu merupakan noda bagi pemerintah dan Nederland. Partai-partai pemerintah, Kristen demokrat, CDA, dan partai Liberal VVD, juga tidak mempedulikan pendapat Weert Gilderes.

Sikap Gilders ini paling sedikit dianggap 'aneh'. Karena sejak mula terbentuknya kebinet Belanda yg sekarang ini, partainya Gilders, PVV, memberikan dukungan “gedoogd-steun”. Suatu dukungan 'permisif' kepada pembentukan kabinet Rutte (VVD) yg berkoalisi dengan CDA. Semata-mata agar partai Kiri seperti partai buruh, PvDA, Partai Sosialis, serta Groen Links (Kiri Tengah) dan D66 (partai tengah), bisa dicegah masuk kabinet, atau memberikan pengaruhnya pada kabinet. Celakanya CDA dan Rutte dari VVD, punya pendirian oportunis. Demi bisa berkuasa dan menyisihkan partai-partai Kiri dan Tengah, mereka bersedia bergandengan tangan dengan partai ultra Kanan yang anti-\Islam dan anti-imigran seperti partai PVV yang dikepalai oleh Geert Wilders.

* * *

Belanda bukanlah suatu negeri dimana yang dominan adalah kekuatan politik Kanan, apalagi yang anti-Islam dan anti-imigran. Tetapi kali ini, disebabkan oleh beberapa faktor, a.l kemunduran partai buruh PvDA dan melonjaknya kursi PVV dalam pemilu y.l., dan oportunismenya CDA dan VVD, maka mungkinlah terbentuk kabinet yang paling Kanan selama dasarwarsa ini di Belanda.

Kita bisa saksikan pendapat yang demokratis dan waras dari kalangan masyarakat Belanda sendiri. Yang menentang pandangan anti-Islam dan anti-Turki seperti yg diturakan oleh Geert Wilders.

Seorang kolumnis senior, Paul Brill, menulis di “de Volkskrant” ( 21 Nov,2011), menanggapi Geert Gilders, a.l. : Di satu fihak Turki tidak menunjukkan dirinya sebagai negara hukum, 'rechtstaat'. Yang telah mempraktekkan prinsip-prinsip demokrasi secara keseluruhan. Golongan minoritas seperti suku bangsa Kurdi dan golongan Kristen, masih belum bebas dari paksaan dan diskriminasi. Kebebasan pers juga belum benar-benar ditrapkan.

Tetapi, kata Paul Berill, sekaligus harus dinyatakan bahwa, secara keseluruhan keadaan Turki jauh lebih baik terbanding dengan masa lalunya. Ketika itu Turki, silih berganti dikuasai rezim korup dan tangan besi.

Meskipun dewasa ini masih tampak tendens di kalangan pemerintah partai APK, yang harus dilakukan perubahan – tampak jelas bahwa keadaan politik Turki dewasa ini baik sekali, dibandingkan dengan hampir semua negeri-negeri lainnya di Timur Dekat (maksudnya negeri-negeri Teluk, Afrika Utara dan Semenanjung Arab). Maka adalah ABSURD untuk memperlakukan Turki sebagai semacam kanker serta menyatakan menolak mengundang Presiden Gül ke Belanda.Bersikap kritis terhadap Islam adalah tidak salah. Tetapi di sini (Geert Wilders) telah kebablasan menjuadi suatu obsesi terhadap Islam menuju pada keterasiangan di dunia.

Turki adalah sebuah negara yang sedang tampil tumbuh, kata Paul Brill. Yang terletak pada posisi penting di dunia. Turki masih anggota Nato yang dihargai (oleh Barat). Di Nederland tinggal 400.000 migran yang bersal dari Turki.. Semua itu merupakan alasan tepat untuk memelihara hubungan baik Turki-Nederland. Ultah ke-400 hubungan diplomatik merupakan kesempatan bagus sekali untuk mengintensifkan dialog. Dengan sendirinya Presiden Turki akan sangat disambut hadir di situ. Demikian pandangan normal dan waras seorang komentator senior Belanda, Paul Brill. Di Belanda ada abnormalitas dalam kegiatan politiknya yang ekstrim dan provokatif, yang sama sekali tak ada sangkut pautnya dengan pandangan religi Kristiani dalam kehidupan bermasyarakat daupun pandangan kemanusiaan, seperti yang di-klaim Geert Wilders, sebagai pandangan dan sikap politiknya.

* * *

Mengakhiri kolom ini, baiklah kita ikuti pandangan normal dan waras lainnya dari kalangan cendekiawan Belanda. Meindert Fennema, Gurubesar Ilmu Teori Politik di Universitas Amsterdam (UVA), dan penulis, menulis dalam sebuah artikel (de Volkskrant, 22 Nov 2011) --- sebagai respons terhdap artikel Geert Wilders, sbb: Dengan seruannya untuk tidak menerima Presiden Turki, Geert Wilders telah menghancurkan sistim diplomatik yng ditujukan untuk menghindari peperangan.

Dalam tulisannya itu Meindert Fennema, menyindir Geert Wilders untuk sedikit rendah hati dalam pembebarannya mengenai rezim-rezim lalim di Turki di waktu y.l., karena bukankah rezim-rezim Belanda pada masa lampau tidak kalah besar dosanya? Maksudnya adalah mengenai kejahatan-kejahatan yang dilakukan kolonialisme Belanda terhadap bangsa dan negeri Indonesia.

Pada akhir tulisannya Meindert Fennema mengingatkan Geert Wilders, bahwa, “saran Anda untuk memutuskan hubungan diplomatik (Holland) dengan negeri-negeri Islam, lebih jelek daripada jorok, SARAN ANDA ITU BERBAHAYA.

* * *

Geert Wilders berprovokasi dengan fitnahan-ftnahan keji terhadap Turki, agama dan dunia Islam. Tapi belum lagi kering tinta tulisan Geert Wilders, dari masyarakat Belanda sendiri timbul kritik dan perlawanan terhadp sikap anti-Islam dan anti-migrasi Geert Wilders.

* * *

PERJUANGAN UTK KEBENARAN DAN KEADILAN DI TIMOR LOROSAE AKAN BERLANGSUNG TERUS

Kolom IBRAHIM ISA

Jum'at, 18 November 2011

PERJUANGAN UTK KEBENARAN DAN KEADILAN DI TIMOR LOROSAE AKAN BERLANGSUNG TERUS

Duabelas November 1991, di Timor Lorosae Merdeka, diperingati, sebagai HARI PEMUDA. Hari itu duapuluh tahun yang lalu, TNI di bawah kekuasaan rezim Orba, telah melakukan kejahatan kemanusiaan, dengan membantai ratusan rakyat Timor Lorosae, yang ketika itu masih diduduki oleh Indonesia. Kemudian Indonesia mengklaim Timor Timur sebagai propinsi Republik Indonesia. Kelanjutan dari politik agresi, pendudukan dan 'integrasi melalui kekerasan militer' tsb., lebih dari 200.000 rakyat Timor Lorosae dibantai. Sedangkan pada “pembantaian Santa Cruz”, tercatat 271 demonstran tewas, 382 luka-luka, dan 250 “hilang”.

Media mancanegara menarik persamaan antara pembantaian rakyat Timor Lorosae di pemakaman Santa Cruz, oleh tentara Indonesia, --- dengan pembantaian di Sharpville, tahun 1960, yang dilakukan oleh aparat keamanan rezim apartheid Afrika Selatan, terhadap rakyat Afrika Selatan yang berjuang dengan damai melawan apartheid.

Rakyat Timor Lorosae yang berkumpul berdemo secara damai, di pemakaman Santa Cruz. Dilli, pada tanggal 12 November 1991 itu, untuk menyatakan penghormatan mereka pada pemuda Gomes yang ditembak mati oleh aparat keamanan RI.

Sunguh memilukan sekaligus memuakkan, bahwa, sampai dewasa ini masih ada sementara kalangan bangsa kita, termasuk tokoh-tokoh dan elite parpol, yang menyayangkan dan menyesalkan mengapa hasil referendum tahun 1999 di Timor Leste, mayoritas mutlak rakyat Timor Leste memilih merdeka, --- ketimbang tetap sebagai propinsi Republik Indonesia.

Suatu pandangan dan politik chauvinisme-nasional yang dikembangkan oleh rezim Orba, tapi masih punya gema sampai sekarang.

* * *

Timor Lorosae telah tegak berdiri sebagai negara merdeka sejak 20 Mei 2002. Pemerintahan Presiden Habibie tidak bisa berbuat lain. terpaksa mengakui kemerdekaan Timor Lorosae hasil referendum rakyatnya. TNI menduduki Timor Lorosae pada tanggal 7 Desember 1975, dan berlangsung sampai tahun 1999. Dalam periode itu tentara Indonesia telah melakukan kejahatan kemanusiaan besar-besaran terhadap rakyat Timor Leste.

Namun, pemerintah Indonesia, tidak rela Timor Lorosae berdiri sebagai negara merdeka, sederajat dengan bangsa-bangsa merdeka lainnya, -- RI tidak mau mengakui kejahatan kemanusiaan yang dilakukan oleh para jendral dan tentara Orde Baru di bawah Suharto terhadap rakyat Timor Lorosae.

Maka pemerintah-pemerintah Republik Indonesia pasca Suharto, melakukan tekanan-tekanan terhadap Timor Leste untuk, demi melaksankan persetujuan, apa yang dinamakan KOMISI KEBENARAN DAN PERSAHABATAN, Timor Lorosae ditekan untuk “melupakan masa lampau”, mengenai apa yang terjadi selama pendudukan Timor Lorosae oleh Indonesia.

Keadaan ini menjadi alasan Amnesty International (London) untuk mendesak PBB agar mengakhiri masa impunitas di Timor Lorosae semasa pendudukan Indonesia pada tahun-tahun 1975 – 1999.

Di bawah ini disiarkan ulang ulasan (1 Desember 2005) -- mengenai latar belakang hubungan dua negeri, Indonesia dan Timor Lorosae, sejak negeri tsb berdiri sebagai negara merdeka.

* * *

Kolom IBRAHIM ISA
---------------------------------
Rabu, 01 Desember 2005.

TIMOR TIMUR, HAM & politik "Hubungan baiknya" dengan INDONESIA.

Kemarin, Rabu 30 November, 2005, koran pagi Amsterdam, "de Volkskrant",
menyiarkan sebuah berita AP dari Dili, ibu kota Timor Timur.

Asal sedikit saja ada kepedulian terhadap masalah pemberlakuan HAM di
negeri yang rakyatnya begitu gagah-berani memperjuangkan kemerdekaannya
terhadap kolonialisme Portugis, dan kemudian melawan agresi, pendudukan
dan aneksasi Orba Indonesia,--- maka berita AP dari Dili itu pasti
membikin hati dan fikiran jadi gundah, marah, kecewa dan prihatin.


Meurut berita tsb Presiden Timor Lorosae, Xanana Gusmao, telah
menyisihkan sebuah laporan komisi mengenai pelanggaran hak-hak azasi
manusia (ketika Timor Timur) berada di bawah kekuasaan Indonesia. Xanana
Gusmao menganggap bahwa 'rekonsiliasi' dengan Indonesia lebih penting
ketimbang keadilan bagi para korban yang telah jatuh selama 24 tahun
Timur Timor berada di bawah pendudukan Indonesia. Xanana Gusmao juga
tidak mau mengambil oper saran-saran komisi untuk ganti-rugi yang harus
dibayar oleh negeri-negeri, yang pada tahun-tahun itu telah menyokong
Indonesia, seperti Amerika Serikat. Padahal Komisi Untuk Penerimaan,
Kebenaran dan Rekonsiliasi, adalah badan yang dibentuk oleh administrasi
interim-PBB. Jelas, laporah tsb terdiri dari 2500 halaman berisi
kritik-kritik keras sekali terhadap Indonesia.


Di sini bisa dilihat bagaimana sebuah negeri kecil yang terjerembab
dalam posisi yang sangat tidak mudah, karena terpaksa berbaikan dengan
tetangganya; yang jauh lebih besar dan yang angkara murka, seperti rezim
Orba Indonesia. Tambahan lagi rezim angkara murka tsb didukung oleh Barat.


Meskipun negeri kecil, --- namun kasus Timor Timur, selama lebih dari 20
tahun, menjadi sorotan media dunia, dan menjadi agenda penting kegiatan
banyak NGO yang berkepedulian dengan hak bangsa-bangsa untuk menentukan
nasib sendiri dan pemberlakukan HAM di mancanegara. Timor Timur menjadi
salah satu pusat perhatian media dunia, karena negeri kecil yang
rakyatnya mendeklarasikan kemerdekaannya pada tahun 1975, dengan
pelbagai dalih telah diagresi oleh rezim Orba Indonesia dibawah Jendral
Suharto, diduduki dan kemudian dianeksasi. Agresi, pendudukan dan
aneksasi yang dilakukan Orba Indonesia telah menimbulkan ratusan ribu
korban di fihak rakyat Timor Timur (menurut taksiran inernasional jumlah
korban di fihak rakyat Timor Timur berkisar di sekitar angka 200.000),
dan juga ribuan prajurit TNI menemui ajalnya di bumi Timor Timur. Para
prajuti TNI itu dindoktrinasi bahwa mereka berkorban demi kepentingan
bangsa Indonesia. Padahal jelas itu agresi, pendudukan dan aneksasi
dengan kekerasan.


Yang mengenaskan ialah sikap sementara elite politisi Orba yang
ikut-ikutan secara absurd menganggap dan melakukan kampanye bahwa Timor
Timur adalah bagian dari Republik Indonesia. Argumentasi mereka juga
sepenuhnya atas dasar rekayasa. Mereka mimpi bahwa adalah rakyat Timor
sendiri yang berhasrat untuk bergabung dengan Indonesia. Tidak jelas
apakah sikap para elite Orba itu untuk mencari muka pada presiden
Suharto ketika itu, ataukah memang ideologi 'nasionalisme-sempit' mereka
sudah begitu merosotnya, sehingga menganggap agresi, pendudukan militer
dan aneksasi sebagai tindakan yang 'halal' demi 'kebesaran' Indonesia.
Sudah tidak ada lagi bau-baunya nasionalisme yang sehat, nasionalisme
yang patriotik dan adil. Sudah demikian merosotnya sikap dan pendirian
chauvinis sementara elite, politisi, media dan cencekiawan Orba tsb,
sehingga tidak bisa membedakan lagi tindakan begaimana yang adalah
agresi, dan mana yang merupakan penggabungan dua wilayah dua negeri,
yang benar-benar didasarkan atas kehendak rakyatnya masing-masing.


Rezim Orba, TNI telah melakukan pelanggaran HAM luar biasa di Timor
Timur. Dunia internasional mengutuknya, dan pengadilan mengenai
pelanggaran HAM di Timor Timur oleh Orba/tentara, khususnya pada periode
"referendum" juga diadakan. Entah bagaimana hasilnya dan follow-upnya
sedikit diketahui umum.


Agresi, pendudukan dan aneksasi Timor Timur oleh Indonesia, jelas
disokong oleh Barat, terutama oleh Amerika Serikat dan Australia.
Meskipun apa yang dilakukan Indonesia terhadap Timor Timur sejak 1975
itu melanggar hukum internasional, melanggar prinsip-prinsip PBB, namun,
tokh disokong sepenuhnya oleh fihak Barat, karena itu adalah demi
kepentingan 'strategi Perang Dingin' mereka. Gembar gembor mereka
mengenai keuniversilan hak bangsa-bangsa menentukan nasib sendiri yang
ada di bawah kekuasaan atau pengaruh Uni Sovyet ketika itu, adalah suatu
omong kosong besar dan munafik. Bila itu menyangkut Tibet yang ada di
bawah RRT atau negeri-negeri Baltik yang ada di bawah kekuasaaan Sovyet
ketika itu, maka mereka menabuh genderang meneriakkan keharusan
dilaksanakannya prinsip PBB 'hak bangsa-bangsa untuk menentukan nasib
sendiri' . Tapi begitu terlibat kasus Timor Timur dimana lebih
diutamakan kepentingan strategi 'perang dingin' mereka, maka segala
prinsip hak bangsa-bangsa menentukan nasib sendiri, dibuang di keranjang
sampah. Rezim Orba yang melakukan pelanggaran tsb malah disokong, secara
ekonomi,finansil, politik dan militer.


Berkali-kali kita menyaksikan betapa fihak Barat dan yang sefaham dengan
sikap Barat tsb, mentrapkan sikap 'double standard' bila itu menyangkut
HAM. Bisa dilihat dalam contoh sbb: Ambillah apa yang terjadi di
Kampuchea atau di Tibet. Sikap mereka amat garang menghadapi penggunaan
kekerasan militer oleh penguas di situ. Bukan main suara protes yang
datang dari jurusan Barat dan yang sefaham dengan mereka itu. Tapi, bila
itu menyangkut korban di Indonesia (1965-1966) yang meliputi lebih
sejuta orang yang tidak bersalah, atau menghadapi masalah kudeta Jendral
Pinnochet di Chili yang mengakibatkan korban besar dan terbunuhnya
presiden Allende, maka kalangan yang berkuasa di Barat dan mereka-mereka
yang sefaham dengan Barat itu, seperti bisu-tuli saja lahyaknya.
Sebabnya? Karena di Kampuchea atau di Tibet, yang menjadi pelaku
kekerasan adalah kekuasaan yang dianggap komunis. Sebaliknya di
Indonesia atau di Chili, yang menjadi korban kekerasan itu adalah
golongan komunis dan Kiri. Pelakunya adalah yang anti-Komunis. Semacam
ada suatu prinsip misterius yang mereka pegang, yaitu, MEMBUNUH GOLONGAN
KIRI, MEMBUNUH KOMUNIS tidak melanggar HAM, itu boleh-boleh saja. Makin
banyak komunis atau golongan kiri yang jatuh korban makin baik adanya.
Begitulah sikap dan logika mereka-mereka itu. Keuniversilan HAM yang
mereka gembar-gemborkan itu adalah MUNAFIK!

'Double standard' dalam bersikap terhadap pelanggaran HAM ini masih
berlaku terus sampai dewasa ini, baik secara internasional, maupun di
Indonesia.


Tampaknya fihak Barat, khususnya Amerika Serikat dan Australia,
sebagaimana halnya dulu mereka tutup telinga dan tutup mulut terhadap
agresi, pendudukan dan aneksasi Timor Timur oleh rezim Orba Jendral
Suharto, --- sekarangpun kiranya mereka akan membisu juga menghadapi
kenyataan bahwa laporan Komisi Kebenaran dan Rekonsiliasi yang dibentuk
adminstrasi-interim PBB di Timor Timur, begitu saja dimasukkan ke dalam
laci.


Memang dalam hal ini, situasinya serba sulit bagi Presiden Timor Timur
Xanana Gusmao. Sebagai negeri kecil yang menghadapi begitu banyak
masalah pasca-kemerdekaan, mengatasi pengangguran, pendidikan, kesehatan
dan perumahan rakyuat, -- yang menyangkut masalah nasional pembangunan
ekonomi dan keamanan, memang memerlukan situasi yang 'stabil' dalam
hubungannya dengan Indonesia. Suatu Indonesia, yang sudah tidak lagi
dipimpin oleh Jendral Suharto, sudah mengalami masa reformasi dan
demokratisasi tertentu, namun, masih menganggap bahwa tindakan-tindakan
kekerasan militer fihak Orba Indonesia, sebagai akibat dari agresi,
pendudukan dan aneksasi terhadap Timor Timur, -- adalah sebagai suatu
tindakan yang demi mempertahankan 'kebesaran' Indonesia. Mereka masih
menganggap bahwa referendum di Timor Timur di bawah naungan
internasional/PBB, yang hasilya adalah 'lepasnya Timor Timur dari
Republik Indonesia, sebagai suatu 'kerugian' bagi Republik Indonesia.
Mereka-mereka itu, para pendukung dan penyangga Orba masih belum mawas diri.


Kantor Berita Associatied Press juga menulis bahwa Timor Timur hampir
tidak memiliki kekayaan alam sebagai sumber tambahan, dan tercatat
sebagai negeri yang paling miskin di Asia. Itulah sebabnya maka Timor
Timur masih berat tergantung dari Indonesia, partnernya dalam
perdagangan. Itu pulalah sebabnya Presiden Gusmao tidak mau bikin marah
Indonesia dengan permintaan gantirugi bagi korban-korban dan keluarga
mereka dan peringatan ke alamat Jakarta agar orang-orang militer
Indonesia yang bersalah diberikan hukum yang setimpal.


Analisis AP tsb punya dasar. Tentu sebab musabab utama mengapa Presiden
Gusmao sampai mengambil sikap demikian itu, ialah, karena ia menyadari
betul bahwa di Indonesia militer masih punya suara menentukan, baik
mengenai masalah-masalah yang menyangkut masalah nasional, apalagi yang
bersangkutan dengan masalah keamanan.


Sikap Presiden Xanana Gusmao yang menganggap lebih penting punya
hubungan 'tetangga baik' dengan RI, ketimbang memperjuangkan keadilan
bagi para korban yang jatuh akibat Orba Indonesia, dengan sendirinya --
bisa difahami.

Meskipun situasi politik di Indonesi sudah mengalami perubahan sejak
jatuhnya Suharto, dan kini presidennya adalah hasil pilihan langsung
rakyat, namun, ---- pandangan politik luarnegerinya, khusus menghadapi
masalah Timor Timur, hakikatnya masih sama. * * *

IBRAHIM ISA'S – FOCUS ON RELIGIOUS (IN)-TOLERANCE IN INDONESIA

IBRAHIM ISA'S – FOCUS

ON RELIGIOUS (IN)-TOLERANCE IN INDONESIA

Thursday, November 17, 2011

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------

The Other Indonesia

Tolerance Draft Bill ‘Not the Answer’

 Self-imposed tolerance
Enforcement Needed For Religion Tolerance
----------------------------------------------------------

THE OTHER INDONESIA

A lack of tolerance for religious minorities undermines Indonesia's moden image. -- By EMILY RAUHALA, Time – 21 Nov, 2011.

A year ago Barack Obama returned to Indonesia, where he lived as a boy, as President of the United States . In a speech at the University of Indoenesia, he reminisced about catching dragonflies, flying kites and running through rice paddies in the Jakarta of his youth. “Indonesia is a part of me” he told the audience, while lauding the nation and its people for their new democracy, commitment to the rule of law and tolerance for religious diversity. Obama's affection for Indonesia is understandable. But as he prepares to go to Bali on Nov. 19 for the East Asian Summit. He needs to ditch the nostalgi and deliver a stern message to the one time home for not living up top its pouported ideals.

A KEY MEASURE OF THE LEVEL OF JUSTICE and compassion in any society is how it treats its minorities-often its most vulnerable citizens. On that score, Indonesia, the world's most populous Muslim country, is failing. In the past year, public violance against religious minorities, who together make up about 12% of the 240 million population, has been relentless.: there has been a slew of incidents, from burnings and bombings of churches to attacks by radical Muslims on moderates. The autorities appear unable or unwilling to firmly intervene.

That seemed to be the case when I was in a packed courtroom outside Jakarta a few months ago. On trial were 12 men charged in connectrion with a mass assaults early this year on members of the peaceful Ahmadiyah sect. Ahmadis believe that their Indian founder Mirza Ghulam Ahmad (1835-1908) was also a prophet, after Muhammad-a claim orthodox Muslims find heretical. This plus other differences have made Ahmadis a target for hard-liners in Pakistan, Bangladesh and of late, Indonesia too. The attack on Ahmadis was brutal. A hundreds strong crowd gathererd at opposite ends of a remote rice-farming village on the western edge of Java and converged on an Ahmadi home. The people inside were surrounded and attacked with matshetes, sharpened sticks and stones. Three men died; five were badly injured.

At the trial, before the judges entered the chamber, an Islamic cleric in a white robe stepped from the gallery and led the courtroom in prayer. Those inside – plus many more pressed against the outside gate – prayed for the mob, not those killed. People in the crowd told me the Ahamadis has it coming, that the mob was provoked and the violence spontaneous.

One of the accused, 17 year-old Dani bin Misra, was filmed smashing an Ahmadi man's skull with a rock. He and the other defendants were convicted of “participation in a violent attack that results in casualties”. Dani was sentenced to three month's jail. The rest, including two clerics, received five to six months. (By contrast, an Ahamadi got six months for wounding an attaker when defending a family property). Said New York City-based Human Rights Watch: “The trial sends the chilling message that attacks on minorities will be treated lightly by the legal system.”

WE EXPECT BETTER FROM INDONESIA

When the 1997 Asian financial crisis sparked mass protests that helped bring down longtime strongman Suharto, the majority Muslim nation shatterred the trend myth that Islam is antithetical to democracy. Today, Indonesia is freer and more open than ever. Indeed, many see the country as a model for the postrevolutionary Arab world. Yet institutions are weak, corruption endemic, and militarty repression persist in the forgotten territory of Papua. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has condemned the various religious attacks, but not, say his critic. forcefully enough. Extremists have florished on the fringes of the modern mainstream, spawning radical groups and religious vigilantes. Their actions undermine everything good aabout contemporary Indonesia.

I raised the Ahmadiyah verdict with Suryadharma Ali, Indonesian Minister of Religious Affairs, one of whose responsibilities is to keep the peace among all faiths. Suryadharma was unapologetic in tone: he said Indonesia respects religious freedom, but that minorities could not use that freedom to “completely modify” Islamic beliefs. He also defended regulations that ban Ahmadis from proselytizing or openly practicing their faith. The minister compared antgonism towar Ahmadis to flag burning: “Your country would get angry if you burned their flag. And the case of religion is higher than the flag.” Perhaps so, but for Indonesia to be truly the modern, moderate society it claims to be, it needs to show through word and deed that it will not tolerate intolerance.

(note: all bold printed - by I.I.)

* * *

Tolerance Draft Bill ‘Not the  Answer’

Ulma Haryanto | November 15, 2011 --

A draft bill on religious harmony being prepared at the House of Representatives is likely to

promote intolerance rather than counter it, a human rights watchdog said on Monday.

Lawmakers preparing the draft bill have touted it as providing a long-term solution for the religious conflicts plaguing the country. It was among the priority bills for this year, but it has remained unaddressed as the House has turned its attention to other issues.

However, the most recent draft of the bill, dated August this year, includes articles that are

“discriminative” and “could threaten the country’s pluralism,” Setara Institute

for Democracy and Peace researcher Ismail Hasani said on Monday.

“From early on, Setara has said that in order to give the right treatment to a

social problem, there has to be a carefully analyzed social diagnosis,” Ismail

said, pointing out that the drafter of the bill had failed to consider weak law

enforcement as a reason why many religious conflicts linger.

“Religious harmony can only be achieved if the state can guarantee everyone’s religious

freedom and rights,” he said. “But the draft even fails to mention what responsibilities the state has. It also fails to acknowledge the importance of maintaining Indonesia’s pluralism.”

Setara deputy chairman Bonar Tigor Naipospos sad the current version of the bill was a “shortcut,” not a long-term solution.

“The bill pinpoints issues that are believed to be the source of conflicts, and then sets restrictive provisions around them,” Bonar said.

“There are articles that are unnecessary, as well as impossible to enforce.”

As an example, Bonar cited an article that requires the consideration of “the local community’s wisdom” prior to the construction of a place of worship.

“How exactly can you measure people’s wisdom? How do you define wisdom?” he said.

The chapters of the current draft, a copy of which was obtained by the Jakarta Globe, specifically regulate how people should spread their faith, celebrate religious holidays, construct places of worship, hold funerals and organize religious education.

Firdaus Mubarik, a spokesman for the embattled Indonesian Ahmadiyah Congregation (JAI), also was less than impressed.

“Our Constitution protects religious freedom, but instead of enforcing that, the government is caving in to the so-called majority,” he told the Globe.

Setara said it planned to submit an alternative draft to the House by the end of this month, alongside groups with similar concerns such as the Jakarta Legal Aid Foundation (LBH Jakarta),

the Institute for Policy Research and Advocacy (Elsam) and the Human Rights Working Group.

Abdul Kadir Karding, chairman of House Commission VIII, which oversees religious and social affairs, insisted the bill would ensure minority rights.

“When there is a non-Muslim person living in a Muslim community, he or she has the right to have the same access to services as the majority,” he said. “We want all people to understand the importance of respecting people from different religions.”

* * *

Editorial: Self-imposed tolerance
The Jakarta Post | Wed, 11/16/2011 

Tolerance and pluralism are like two sides of the same coin, one complements the 
other. However, in reality, neither functions as well as might be hoped.

It is for these universal principles that many countries in the world have 
incorporated the two interrelated ideals into their national mottos. Be it the 
European Union’s United in diversity; Djibouti’s Unity, Equality, Peace; the 
United States’ E pluribus unum (Out of many, one) or Indonesia’s Bhinneka 
Tunggal Ika (Unity in Diversity), all in agreement that both concepts are main 
ingredients in achieving global harmony and peace.

The commemoration of the International Day of Tolerance Wednesday is therefore 
the perfect moment for all nations, including Indonesia, to refresh and at the 
same time enforce the spirit outlined in the 1995 Declaration of Principles on 
Tolerance and the 2005 World Summit Outcome, which sought the commitment of 
heads of state and governments to advance human welfare, freedom and progress 
everywhere, as well as to encourage tolerance, respect, dialogue and cooperation 
among different cultures, civilizations and peoples.

It is true that talk is cheap and it is implementation that is key. There will 
always be deviations from, if not violations of, the spirit and principles 
enshrined in the two international treaties above. Global history and news 
reports have revealed such anomalies here and there – Indonesia is no exception.

Being the world’s largest Muslim majority nation and also a home to many 
religions and ethnic groups, Indonesia has been praised worldwide as a champion 
of cultural and religious pluralism. However, several incidents against minority 
groups have provided proof that implementing ideals is more difficult than 
formulating treaties, laws and regulations.

One case in point is the mob attack on the Ahmadiyah community compound in 
Cikeusik, Banten, last February, which cost the lives of three Ahmadis. Another 
is the much criticized government licensing process for houses of worship, which 
has triggered a prolonged legal conflict that has prevented a Christian 
congregation from holding Sunday services in their own church in the West Java 
city of Bogor.

The latest example is the controversy surrounding the House of 
Representatives-initiated draft of the so-called religious tolerance bill, which 
observers claim could actually threaten the very essence of pluralism and tolerance.

The draft bill, which aims to regulate religious sermons and segregate graves 
within public cemeteries according to religion, is seen by many as a potential 
trigger for religious intolerance. The bill does not propose an alternative 
system to the current problematic licensing of houses of worship that majority 
groups have used to make it difficult for members of minority religions to 
congregate for prayers and religious ceremonies in several regions.

Cases of violence have frequently occurred in the absence of true and proper 
implementation of laws and regulations, but in the case of the religious 
tolerance bill, it is the draft law itself, and the loopholes within it, that 
needs revision so as to prevent, or at least reduce, the potential for future 
problems.

* * *

Editorial: Enforcement Needed For Religion Tolerance
November 15, 2011 - The Jakarta Globe


The freedom of religious belief and the right to practice one’s faith are 
protected by our Constitution. Indeed, Indonesia — with its myriad religions and 
ethnic groups — has been touted as a role model for religious tolerance, despite 
having a strong majority of people who belong to the Muslim faith.

We can point to many examples of mosques and churches standing side by side, and 
of communities celebrating different religious holidays in harmony and a spirit 
of oneness.

But with recent instances of religious strife and discrimination against 
minorities, the nation’s social fabric has begun to fray.

To restore religious tolerance and harmony to the country, lawmakers are now 
working on a draft bill they are touting as a long-term solution to the 
religious conflict that has plagued the country in recent years.

Human rights groups and minority communities are not convinced, though. Many 
have raised concerns over some of the articles in the bill.

They rightly point out that the root cause of many cases of religious conflict 
is weak law enforcement, not an absence of regulations. Religious harmony, they 
note, can only be achieved if the state guarantees every citizen’s religious 
freedom and rights. The new bill, as it currently stands, does not clearly spell 
out the state’s responsibilities and duties in protecting religious freedom.

What it does is to set out regulations for how people can spread their faith, 
celebrate religious holidays, construct places of worship, hold funerals and 
carry out religious education.

The bill, therefore, must go further. It must spell out punishment for those who 
attack places of worship or who injure those of a different faith in the name of 
religion. The punishment must be severe if it is to act as a deterrent.

Maintaining religious harmony in this country is as crucial as having a strong 
military defense against foreign invaders. Religious tolerance is the very 
fabric of this multi-faceted nation. If we do not protect minority groups and 
ensure their safety, the nation’s internal security will be undermined.

The state has a responsibility and a moral duty to every citizen in the republic 
to enable and preserve their freedom of worship. This is what the new draft bill 
must address.

* * *