“TAMAN BACA MULTATULI” Di Desa Banten . . . . .

Kolom IBRAHIM ISA

Kemis, 29 Maret 2012

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“TAMAN BACA MULTATULI” Di Sebuah Desa Banten . . . . .

Sahabatku Guru di Lebak, Banten, dikenal populer sebagai Kang Ubay, nama lengkapnya UBAIDILLAH MUCHTAR, baru-baru ini mengirimkan padaku tiga pasang YOUTUBE, mengabadikan laporan wartawan Metro TV Jakarta, Kick Andy Hope , ke desa Lebak. Dengan judul TAMAN BACA MULTATULI , laporan tsb ditayangkan pada tanggal 17 Februari y.l. Untuk melihatnya sendiri silakan klik pada link brikut ini:

Episode (1): http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8ub5M7Bu_Sc
Episode (2) http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=R7kt18w5ezU
Episode (3) http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2uZki0ko58s

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Ubaidillah Muchtar bersepeda motor dari Sawangan, Depok, menuju kampung Ciseel, desa Sobang, Kabupaten Lebak, menempuh jalan ratusan kilometer. Disitulah Kang Ubay memperkenalkan Eduard Douwes Dekker alias Multatuli ke masyarakat Ciseel, yang langka fasilitas itu.

Jalan menuju Desa Ciseel berlika-liku dan tak beraspal. Kesanalah Kang Ubay melakukan silaturahmi dengan masyarakat kemudian membentuk grup membaca dengan bacaan utama novel Max Havelaar.

Di desa itu dimulai cerita unik pada tanggal 23 Maret 2010.

Pekan demi pekan, para peserta reading group belajar kenal dengan tokoh Max Havelaar dan perjuangannya di masyarakat Lebak. Suatu perlawanan terhadap kejahatan bupati bangsa sendiri kala itu. Demikian a.l tulis Wordpress.com.

Kini setelah setahun berlalu kegiatan tetap berlanjut dengan perkembangan mengagumkan karena edisi Max Havelaar dalam beragam bahasa mulai dibaca.

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Sebelumnya, --- Ubay menceriterakan kepadaku bahwa, dua tahun yang lalu, 23 Maret 2010, di Lebak telah didirikan TAMAN BACA MULTATULI. Anak-anak didik Ubay terlibat dengan kegiatan “Reading Group Max Hevelaar”.

Betul-betul tak terfikir samasekali padaku, – – – – bahwa, nun jauh di desa CISEEL, – – – di pedalaman Lebak Banten, di sebuah kampung yang belum tersentuh modernitas murid-murid sekolah, di bawah bimbingan gurunya, anak-anak didik Indonesia, sejak 23 Maret 2010, melakukan kegiatan membaca bersama di sebuah READING GROUP MAX HAVELAAR. Pembacaan dilakukan setiap selasa pukul 16.30-18.00. Pesertanya anak-anak usia SD-SMP-SMA desa tsb.

Mei lalu, ada acara SASTRA MULTATULI, 3 hari berturut-turut. Diskusi Multatuli, menyusuri jejak Multatuli, kesenian rakyat, pemutaran film Max Havelaar, dan trip to Baduy. Semua catatan dan foto tersimpan di : http://www.readingmultatuli.blogspot.com/. Dan juga drama Saijah Adinda.

Juni tahun lalu, demikian ceritera Ubay, ---- datang berkunjung rombongan terdiri dari14 operator travel wisata ke Lebak yang dipimpin oleh Willem van Duijen, Kurator Museum Multatuli di Amsterdam, Belanda. Pada 2 Juni juga datang ke Taman Baca Multatuli Ciseel, Lebak, suami istri Italia, suami istri, Carlo Laurenti dan Maria Elenora dari Reading Group Max Havelaar, Itali --- datang ke Taman Baca Multatuli.

Reading Group Max Havelaar Ciseel kini memasuki tahun ke-2. Tahun pertama tamat selama 11 bulan (23 Maret 2010-22 Februari 2011)dengan kerbau sungguhan. Lihat juga http://readingmultatuli.blogspot.com/p/galeri-foto.html.”

Reading Group kini memasuki minggu ke-33 di tahun kedua. Baru tiba di Bab 8. Pidato Havelaar. Juga tambah lagi sekarang ada Reading Group Novelet Saija bahasa Sunda di Kamis sore...peserta tetap konsisten hadir.

Demikian cerita Ubaidillah Muchtar padaku.

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Fikirku . . . Multatuli Abad ke XIX -- Prof Dr Wertheim Abad Ke XX, Adalah Jembatan-Jembatan Yang Sesungguhnya antar Indonesia dan Belanda.

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Siapa akan menyangka sebelumnya? Bahwa, -- di bawah kekuasaan mutlak pemerintah kolonial Hindia Belanda, pada abad ke-IX, seorang pejabat kolonial, seorang asisten-residen Lebak, Dr. Douwes Dekker, memulai ramuannya, berancang-ancang dalam fikirannya, apa yang kemudian ia tulis dalm bukunya yang menggoyahkan sendi-sendi kolonialisme dan feodalisme, 'MAX HAVELAAR”. Lengkapnya Max Havelaar, of de Koffij-veilingen der Nederlandsche Handel-Maatschappij. (Edisi Indonesia: --"Max Havelaar, atau Lelang Kopi Perusahaan Dagang
Belanda". Satu-satunya novel, roman, drama, yang bagaikan dinamit-awal menggoncang pondasi kekuasaan angkara murka kolonialisme Belanda di Indonesia.

Di Lebak, sebuah desa di Banten. Disitulah memancar cahaya hati nurani seorang Belanda yang kemudian terkenal dengan nama MULTATULI. Ia menuding, ia menggugat terbuka: KOLONIALISME BELANDA DAN FEODALISME BANTEN -- adalah PENINDAS DAN PEMERAS RAKYAT INDONESIA.

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Tidak kebetulan bahwa di sebuah desa yang jauh dari kota, terpencil, di Lebak, Guru Ubaidillah berprakarsa mendirikan sebuah perpustakaan untuk murid-murid sekolah di desa itu – “TAMAN BACA MULTATULI”. Peristiwa ini menunjukkan di satu pihak kepedulian dan pengabdian seorang guru dari generasi muda, UBAIDILLAH MUCHTAR. Ia mencurahkan tenaga dan fikirannya pada masalah pendidikan anak-anak bangsa di desa yang begitu terpencil. Disisi lainnya Ubay tergugah dan terinspirasi oleh tokoh Dr. Edward Douwes Dekker, alias MULTATULI.

Di kalangan budaya Belanda, Multatuli dinilai sebagai novelis terbesar yang setara dengan penulis-penulis kaliber dunia.

MULTATULI (Artinya 'Saya Yang Banyak Menderita') adalah sastrawan Belanda yang terbesar di abad ke-XIX. Bahkan mungkin, demikian dikatakan, Multatuli adalah penulis Belanda terbesar di sepanjang masa. Siapa saja yang membaca roman Multatuli 'Max Havelaar', akan berkenalan dengan jiwa kritis Multatuli. Justru ini pulalah yang membuatnya masyhur di seluruh dunia. Di salah satu bagian karya Multatuli itu, terdapat drama tentang 'SAIJAH Dan ADINDA' yang sangat menyentuh. Di negeri kita bagian dari buku Multatuli ini sering dikutip dan dipentaskan di panggung.

Mengapa hal ini penting dan menarik? Karena menggugah kita orang-orang Indonesia. Karena yang dianggap penting oleh Belanda itu, berkenaan dengan suatu karya seni yang menyangkut NASIB RAKYAT KITA pada zaman Hindia Belanda dulu.

Mutatuli menjadi amat terkenal di negerinya sampai ke mancanegara dengan bukunya 'Max Havelaar', nama lengkap buku Multatuli adalah 'Max Havelaar, Of De Koffieveilingen der Nederlandse Handelmaatschppij'. Multatuli, adalah nama-pena Eduard Douwes Dekker. Kiranya pembaca Indonesia cukup mengenalnya. Buku Multauli 'Max Havelaar' sudah pernah diterbitkan edisi bahasa Indonesia, dan telah dua, tiga kali dicetak ulang.

Buku Multatuli, 'Max Havelaar', terbit 1860, ditulisnya dalam jangka waktu sebulan (1859), di kamar sebuah hotel kecil di Brussel, Belgia. Oleh kalangan luas budaya di Belanda, karya Multatuli dinilai sebagai literatur Belanda yang terpenting. Multatuli telah memelopori suatu gaya penulisan yang merupakan gaya penulisan baru. Ia juga dikatakan sebagi romantikus terbesar dalam literatur Belanda.

Di negeri kita, Multatuli dinilai sebagai seorang sastrawan Belanda yang progresif. Beliau dihargai dan dikagumi. Karena sebagai orang Belanda , bahkan pejabat kolonial Hindia Belanda, ia punya hati nurani. Dengan jernih Multatuli mengisahkan nasib buruk rakyat Indonesia di bawah kekuasaan kolonial/feodal, dalam hal ini kaum tani di Lebak, dimana Multatuli pernah menjadi asisten residen.


Pada periode Orba penguasa melarang dipertunjukkannya film 'Max Havelaar' produksi Belanda. Alasannya ? Sungguh memalukan. Betul-betul mengungkap kepicikan jiwa penguasa Orba ketika itu. Sebagai alasan penolakan atas film tsb, dikatakan bahwa film tsb menunjukkan bahwa orang-orang Indonesia (tuan-tuan feodal yang berkuasa ketika itu) diceriterakan sebagai 'lebih kejam' dari penguasa kolonial Hindia Belanda.

Bagi Indonesia ada arti khusus, arti besar, karena, Multatuli dan karyanya 'Max Havelaar' adalah salah satu tali penghubung dan pengikat bagi saling mengenal dan saling merespek berkenaan dengan usaha untuk memperbaiki lebih lanjut hubungan dua negeri dan bangsa, Indonesia dan Nederland.




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FOCUS ON JAKARTA ELECTION

IBRAHIM ISA'S – FOCUS

ON JAKARTA ELECTION

Sunday, March 25, 2012

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ELECTING THE LEADER OF JAKARTA . . . . .

JAKARTA ELECTION, THE TRUE TEST OF INDONESIAN DEMOCRACY

DON'T LET VOTERS GET FOOLED BY EMPTY POROMISES

JOKOWI CALMS SURAKARTAN'S ABOUT HIS CANDIDACY

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ELECTING LEADER OF JAKARTA, CITY OF (NO) JOY . .

Fitrian Ardiansyah, Canberra | Wed, 03/21/2012

Recent news on the lead up to the Jakarta gubernatorial election has reminded people about the importance of the immediate future of this great big capital city and the people who live within its city limits.

Jakarta, for some, is considered as a source of economic opportunities, a stepping stone to living the “Indonesian dream”.

For others, it is a constant reminder of a harsh day-to-day life, facing the consequences of urban environmental mismanagement such as traffic gridlock, flooding, air and water pollution.

Yet, like a magnet, those who have left will likely return, new people will turn up and the majority who stay will continue to call this city their home.

Jakarta has a stunning history. From a small port on the estuary of the Ciliwung River around 500 years ago, Jakarta has significantly transformed itself into Indonesia’s economic and political hub.

The city is a busy and crowded melting pot and is now one of the biggest cities on Earth.

The latest statistics suggest that Jakarta’s population has reached 9.6 million (with a growth rate of 1.40 percent per year) — among the top 10 most populous cities in the world — while the Greater Jakarta Metropolitan Area is home to 27.9 million people (the growth rate is 3.6 percent per year).

Jakarta’s population density is estimated at around 14,500 per square kilometer, ranking 17th of 125 big cities in the world.

According to Prof. Tommy Firman of the Bandung Institute of Technology, the population growth in Jakarta and its greater area can be attributed to net migration and reclassification (i.e. change in rural localities to urban localities).

The accelerating growth in population in the city is due to, among other factors, its significant economic growth. It was recorded that last year, economic growth in Jakarta reached 16.5 percent, the highest in Indonesia.

Although having the highest economic growth in the country, Jakarta still falls behind other big cities in the world, particularly when it comes to personal earnings and purchasing power.

A report released last year by UBS reveals that Jakarta has the lowest rank (number 73 of 73 big cities assessed) in terms of domestic purchasing power, even compared to Manila, Nairobi and Mumbai. It is, however, slightly better (number 70) than these three cities in terms of gross wages.

Its iPod index — a calculation on how long an employee would have to work to be able to afford an iPod nano with 8 GB storage in each city — ranks 65 in 2009, which is lower than Bangkok (much lower than Zurich or New York) but higher than Delhi, Manila and Mumbai.

This means that an average wage-earner in Zurich and New York can buy an iPod nano after nine hours of work. Workers in Jakarta, however, need to work 93 hours (or 10 nine-hour days) to purchase the same gadget.

Regardless of these figures, the economic spectrum of Jakarta is still very attractive to millions of people.

This tremendous economic boost, combined with decades of land-use and urban management (or the lack of it), however, also brings about unwanted consequences.

Jakarta has been well-known for its seasonal but intensified flooding. Flooding in 2007 affected 80 subdistricts, causing traffic chaos and paralyzing the city. The Indonesian government estimates that losses amounted to Rp 4.1 trillion (US$450 million).

Every year, the city government promises to make various efforts to prevent major floods from inundating the capital city.

Last year, the Jakarta city administration had to allocate Rp 1.36 trillion to support these actions.

With only 9.79 percent of green space in 2010, continuous overdevelopment inside the catchment areas and nearby rivers that cannot discharge water into the sea since they are clogged with waste, the city will have little capacity to absorb a high level of rainfall and prevent flooding.

Another major but daily headache for Jakartans is the continuous horror of its traffic. A 2011 study released by the Jakarta Transportation Agency estimated that traffic congestion costs the city up to Rp 46 trillion a year.

Another figure from the Transportation Ministry claims that congestion costs Rp 28.1 trillion each year, accounting for wasted fuel, productivity lost and traffic-induced health problems.

Promises after promises have been made by the city administration to address these issues and the people of Jakarta have waited long enough to see if these are going to be put into action.

With the upcoming election of their governor, Jakartans now have a greater chance to demand more and push the incumbent and other candidates further to not only promise a better Jakarta but also to come up with ambitious and clear action plans to improve the city.

Impossible is nothing, says one ad. Jakarta can be changed into a better and livable place. Jakarta’s citizens can ask their government — and the future government — to learn from the success of cities in other developing countries.

Mexico City, Bangkok and Rio de Janeiro, for instance, as part of the commitment by their political leaderships to improve the living conditions of their citizens, have gradually changed their images for the better by establishing environmental policies, programs and actions, developing innovative and creative modes of public transportation, and instituting a high degree of public participation and engagement in environment-related issues.

It is now the right time for Jakartans to voice their concerns louder, by ensuring that they elect the right candidate for the position of governor.

Being apathetic is not an option, since the immediate and possibly long-term fate of Jakarta will be decided in this upcoming election.

The writer is a native Jakartan, doctoral candidate at the Australian National University and recipient of the Australian Leadership Award and Allison Sudradjat Award.

JAKARTA ELECTION, TRUE TEST OF INDONESIAN DEMOCRACY

Izhari Mawardi, CAMBRIDGE, Massachusetts | Thu, 03/22/2012

The registration of candidates for the Jakarta governor and vice governor posts was officially closed on Tuesday. One thing is sure: The nomination process is an important signal of growing democracy in Indonesia.

Last week, the Golkar Party announced a coalition with the United Development Party (PPP) and the Prosperous Peace Party (PDS) to nominate incumbent South Sumatra Governor Alex Noerdin for the race. The Golkar Party succumbed to Noerdin’s extraordinary feat in leading South Sumatra during turbulent times, including his effort to make the province a successful host of the Southeast Asian Games last year.

But two days before the closing date of registration, all eyes were on political parties, including the Democratic Party (PD) and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), which were the only parties able to designate a gubernatorial candidate without forming a coalition.

One day before the deadline, the split between young Turks and the older generation at the PKS was resolved. Former People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR) speaker and PKS co-founder Hidayat Nur Wahid prevailed over Jakarta legislative council deputy speaker Tri Wicaksana, the preferred candidate of the PKS younger generation.

The PKS named National Mandate Party (PAN) executive Didik J. Rachbini as Hidayat’s running mate.

In a matter of hours, two other candidates entered the race. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s Democratic Party declared it formed a coalition of eight parties to nominate incumbent Governor Fauzi Bowo.

A coalition of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP) and the Great Indonesian Movement (Gerindra) nominated Surakarta Mayor Joko Widodo.

What do these four candidates nominated by the political parties have in common? All the parties have simply adopted a strong, top-down approach, in which the elites force their will on constituents.

The political intensity in the race for the governor has defied the flourishing democracy in Indonesia. The Economist Intelligence Unit, a subsidiary of The Economist magazine, ranks Indonesia 60th out of 167 countries on its world democracy index.

Why is democracy so important?

Mancur Olson said that “in an autocracy, the autocrat will often have a short time horizon, and the absence of any independent power to assure an orderly legal succession means that there is always substantial uncertainty about what will happen when the current autocrat is gone”. Olson’s elaboration defined the norms of democracy compared to the authoritarian counterpart.

Olson’s analysis presupposes democracy as a necessary part of a system that creates certainty and sustainability in governance. The policies on transportation, workers’ rights and minimum wage are among a few that require sustainability over a long period of time. Each of these policies is crucial for a better Jakarta. Without a sustainable leadership and democracy, neither of these policies will last long.

The bitter truth is that Jakarta replicates of Indonesia’s flawed democracy for three reasons.

First, the nomination of each candidate was not conducted in a clear and transparent manner. The nomination should have been preceded by primaries or a party convention to nominate best candidates.

Constituents within the party should vote for their desired candidate. The Democratic Party should have given leeway to decide between Fauzi or Nachrowi, who chairs the party’s Jakarta chapter.

Candidates that were perceived as having strong support, such as the chairman of Golkar in Jakarta, Prya Ramadhani, Golkar lawmaker
Tantowi Yahya and Alex should have fought for a space on the ticket.

The same should have been the case in the PDIP-Gerindra coalition and the Muslim-based PKS. The primaries selection in party A will consolidate the effort to withstand the challenges of party B.

Internal consolidation is important for the sustainability of democracy in Indonesia. Bowing to nominations made by party chairmen or powerful boards of patrons is authoritarian and defied the will of rank-and-file members.

Second, each candidate should have been exposed in a fair debate on their ideas and platform for Jakarta. Without the division of political ideology nor access to party primaries, voters do not have access to information to inform their decision. Separations between the middle class, elites and lower-wage workers are not clearly defined by a single party.

Without a debate, candidates for the executive posts are unable to present themselves in ways that would benefit their credibility in the eyes of voters. Without an argument between the candidates, constituents are unable to clearly define what they are seeking from the aspirants.

Third, the constituents should have been given an opportunity to hold a dialogue with candidates before the definite nominee was selected. Feedback resulting from dialogue between candidates and constituents is important to create stronger bonds between the candidates and their promises.

Jakarta is a symbol of a progressive democracy in Indonesia. If we are unable to strengthen and improve the flawed democracy in Jakarta, then the Indonesia’s overall democracy is at stake.

The writer is a graduate student at Harvard University’s John F. Kennedy School of Government.

DON'T LET VOTERS GET FOOLED BY EMPTY PROMISES

The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | Sat, 08/04/2007

Soeryo Winoto, Jakarta

On Aug. 8 Jakartans will decide whether Fauzi Bowo or Adang Daradjatun will lead the capital for the next five years.

Whoever wins the gubernatorial race, it is interesting to learn how the two candidates have been attracting prospective voters with promises and political jargon. Almost every corner of the capital city is decorated (or spoiled?) by banners or posters selling the candidates.

There is a large banner bearing pictures of a candidate and his running mate, promising to promote and maintain pluralism. Another banner belonging to the other candidate waves close behind, offering more promising rhetoric.

Posters supporting the two candidates are stuck on the walls and electricity poles. One poster promises to end the city's traffic woes, saying: ""Tired of traffic? Vote for ..."".

Another candidate's poster stuck on an electricity pole outlines the candidate's determination to promote pluralism, saying: ""Jakarta for all.""

More vigorous are their speeches during campaign stops. A candidate looks to get sympathy and a positive response from his supporters, who always yell ""Yes"" whenever he asks the audience if they agreed to free education.

At another rally, his rival assures supporters of his vision to maintain and preserve Jakarta as a melting pot for all ethnic groups and races. As predicted, his supporters also yell ""Yes"".

Do the candidates get sincere and true support from the audience? No one can guarantee that. The voters will be alone when casting ballots, won't they?

It is the first ever direct gubernatorial election for the capital city of Jakarta. No wonder the candidates' style seems to copy political party officials and presidential candidates from previous campaigns. They don't have original ideas, just unrealistic promises and political jargon.

A candidate who offers to ""end traffic problems"", for example, should be extra careful as he must be aware that dealing with Jakarta traffic is a tremendous task that needs support from the central government and neighboring provinces.

Is it an easy job to limit the number of vehicles -- cars and motorcycles -- in the capital? Is it a simple job to have new roads built while land is becoming a rare and sensitive commodity?

He must acknowledge that a governor who can deal with traffic problems within five years -- a governor's term of office -- must be a superman! Then he thinks that he is a superman!

While a promise that is normative like promoting and keeping pluralism in Jakarta will obviously also be a big job for the candidate. The continuing worry of minority groups about being harassed due to their ethnicity and religion is proof that pluralism is somewhat questioned.

Many may think that Fauzi Bowo has more experience in the city administration, and thus he may have a better chance than his rival. However, many other may see that Fauzi, Governor Sutiyoso's deputy, was part of the bureaucracy that must be held responsible over the series of failures that took place during Sutiyoso's tenure. The lingering floods and waste problems, as well as unemployment, could be cited as examples.

On the other hand not many people know about the track record of former National Police deputy chief Adang Daradjatun. There is also no clear indication that he can do better than Fauzi in administering heterogeneous Jakarta.

With the election nearing, Jakartans must calculate who they think and expect can become the new governor with leadership and managerial skills better than the outgoing Governor Sutiyoso.

The writer is a journalist based in Jakarta. He can be contacted at soeryo_winoto@yahoo.com.

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JOKOWI CALMS SURAKARTANS ABOUT HIS CANDIDACY

The Jakarta Post | Thu, 03/22/2012

Kusumasari Ayuningtyas

From my own pocket: Surakarta Mayor Joko “Jokowi” Widodo distributes packages of rice to local residents in Jebres district, Surakarta, Central Java, during a community visit. The rice was purchased with the budget from his official residence, known as Loji Gandrung, and his salary as Surakarta mayor, which he says he never withdraws for himself. JP/Kusumasari AyuningtyasIn a bid to help calm his people regarding his candidacy for the upcoming Jakarta gubernatorial race, Surakarta Mayor Joko “Jokowi” Widodo decided to meet directly with the city’s residents on Wednesday and explained that his entry into the race was a party decision that he had to obey.

He went to Bororejo village in Jagalan subdistrict, Jebres district, and was promptly surrounded by dozens of villagers as he got out of his official car. They demanded Jokowi remain in Surakarta and finish his service until the end of his term in 2015.

“I promise you that everything will be much better even if I am not here,” said Jokowi, trying to calm the curious residents as they expressed their concerns one after another.

In front of Jokowi, they worried about whether the programs that the mayor had introduced and had carried out would continue if he had to take leave to pursue his candidacy.

They especially expressed anxiety over the continuation of the Surakarta people’s healthcare (PKMS) program.

One of the villagers, Yus Hernowo, 43, said that from 2007 to the present, the Boro River that passed through the village continued to flow freely thanks to Jokowi’s policy, leaving behind the recurrent flooding that previously plagued hit the area.

“I’m especially impressed by the way Jokowi mixes with the people and listens to their complaints,” Yus said.

Another villager, Hamid Sukamto, 57-year-old street vendor, expressed his gratitude for Jokowi’s humane treatment of the city’s street vendors.

“We are given spaces [to run a business] and are not abandoned,” said Hamid, who is also a former chairman of the Surakarta street vendor association.

Responding to the villagers’ concerns, Jokowi said that he could not just ignore the task given to him by his political party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).

“If I could choose, I would prefer to become a carpenter,” said Jokowi, who previously ran a furniture business before being elected to his first term as Surakarta mayor in 2005.

After hearing Jokowi’s explanation, the villagers said they would give the mayor their support.

Jokowi then distributed packages of rice to the villagers, as he always does when making a community visit.

The rice was purchased with funds from his official residence, known as Loji Gandrung, and his salary as Surakarta mayor, which he never kept for himself.

Jokowi is currently serving his second year of his second term in office. He and his running mate, former East Belitung regent Basuki “Ahok” Tjahja Purnama, registered their candidacy with the Jakarta General Elections Commission (KPUD) on Monday.

They are backed by the PDI-P, the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) and 24 other smaller political parties.

If the election body approves his registration, Jokowi will have to temporarily leave Surakarta to live in Jakarta during the campaign period.

Jokowi and Ahok are one of the six candidate pairs to contest the Jakarta gubernatorial election, which is slated for July 11, 2012.

— JP

MUNGKINKAH . . . ADA PEJABAT YANG . . . “BAIK” ?

Kolom IBRAHIM ISA

Sabtu, 24 Maret, 2012

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MUNGKINKAH . . . ADA PEJABAT YANG . . . “BAIK” ?

DIKALA REFORMASI MACET, . . .

KORUPSI & MANIPULASI . . . MEMBUDAYA ? ? ?

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Beberapa hari yang lalu.. . . . Itu secara kebetulan -- Kubaca sebuah artikel di situs Facebook.

tertanggal 19 Januari 2012, yang ditulis oleh sahabat-baikku, sejarawan muda cum aktivis masyarakat, WILSON OBRIGADOS. Judulnya: -- “Jokowi dan Proyek Kekuasaaan Pro Rakyat”. Dari judulnya jelas bahwa, penulisnya punya penilaian positif terhadap Walikota Solo, Joko Widodo, akrab dipanggil JOKOWI.

Di Facebook aku sampaikan kepada para pembaca tentang tulisan Wilson tsb. Kuanggap penting dan patut dibaca. Sementara pembaca menyambutnya. Seorang sahabat-dekatku dengan serius menyatakan bahwa tulisan Wilson itu terlalu berani. Mungkin maksudnya, Wilson terburu-buru menarik kesimpulan. Jangan-jangan Jokowi sedang bergaya “kuda-troya” untuk jabatan lebih tinggi lagi. Demikian tanggap sahabatku itu.

Tulisan Wilson itu pada pokoknya b e n a r . Benar, karena ia dengan analitis dan serius menanggapi sesuatu yang tidak biasa. Yang bisa dibilang gejala langka. Biasanya kalau ada tulisan atau berita tentang pejabat, zaman sekarang ini, maka kaitannya, karena sang pejabat terlibat kasus KORUPSI atau MANIPULASI. Tapi, belakangan ini muncul pejabat-pejabat yang dianggap “me-rakyat”, “populis” atau “peduli rakyat”. Paling tidak peduli pada rakyat yang di bawah pimpinannya, yang pernah memberikan suara “ya” kepadanya dalam pilkada y.l. Maka ia menjadi pejabat, seperti Walikota Solo dan Bupati Belitung Timur.

Yang penting disini bukanlah apakah tulisan Wilson itu benar, atau keliru. Dan kolom ini bukan forum debat. Sekadar untuk mengguggah . Supaya bersama-sama memikirkan gejala baru di dalam masyarakat, yang bertalian dengan masalah Reformasi. Jelas, bahwa ada fenomena atau gejala baru di masyarakat kita belakangan ini. Dalam tulisannya Wilson merumuskannya sebagai “angin baru”. Mungkin saja gejala demikian itu sebelumnya sudah ada. Cuma, tidak atau kurang menjadi perhatian masyarakat.

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Gejala ini adalah munculnya pejabat-pejabat negeri, pegawai negeri yang jabatannya cukup tinggi, seperti Jokowi,Walikota Solo, atau Ahok, mantan Bupati Belitung Timur. Bahkan seorang Dahlan Iskan, yang adalah Menteri BUMN. Mereka-mereka itu tidak seperti kebanyakan spejabat negeri lainnya.

Tindak-tanduk dan ucapan-ucapan mereka ramai diberitakan, ramai diperbincangkan. Timbullah pertanyaan yang wajar. Apakah mereka-mereka itu benar-benar peduli rakyat? Atau h a n y a cari nama, cari muka untuk naik lebih tinggi lagi. Yang bisa memberikan jawaban atas pertanyaan itu hanyalah perkembangan selanjutnya. Itu yang akan menunjukkan hakikat yang sebenarnya dari pejabat-pejabat itu.

Namun, jika Ahok, mantan Bupati Belitung Timur, memberikan perhatian serius dan kongkrit menangani dengan sungguh-sungguh masalah pendidikan dan kesehatan warga yang dipimpinnya, dan mencapai hasil baik, tentu hal itu HARUS DISAMBUT BAIK. Karena tindakannya itu menguntungkan rakyat yang di bawah pimpinannya. Apalagi ia berucap bahwa akan melaksanakan “Reformasi Jilid II”. Bukankah kehendak baik itu perlu didorong?

Jika Walikota Solo Jokowi turba, turun ke bawah, untuk berkomunikasi dan berrembuk langsung dengan warganya, dengan pak tani di desa, bersikap tidak sembarangan, tapi 'waspada' terhadap penanaman modal asing, maka itupun harus disambut baik. Tidaklah etis untuk mendahulukan kecurigaan dan mencari-cari, apa tidak ada “udang dibalik batu”. Apa tidak ada maksud-maksud yang tak baik . . . ??

Maksud memberitakan dan mengangkat tulisan Wilson Obrigados, semata-mata agar bersama-sama kita peduli dengan gejala-gejala baru dan perkembangan baru di dalam masyarakat kita. Serta dengan serius menanggapinya. Mungkin gejala-gejala maupun fenomona tsb bisa mengubah sementara pandangan pesimis, yang MALU JADI ORANG INDONESIA. Mungkin akan mendorong kita dengan lebih jeli memandang, melihat, bahwa di kalangan pejabat-pejabat yang biasanya terlibat dengan korupsi dan manupulasi untuk berkuasa dan memperkaya diri sendiri, ada juga pejabat-pejabat yang PEDULI RAKYAT, yang berkebijakan dan bertindak menguntungkan masyarakat.

Maka, gejala ini merupakan perkembangan yang kiranya tidak mesti ditelaah dengan sinisme dan kecurigaan. Tetapi melihat dengan kritis dan analitis apakah itu menguntungkan rakyat atau merugikan rakyat. Dengan selalu berpegang pada metode: “To call a spade a spade”. Melihat apa adanya! Melihat kenyataan yang terpampang di depa mata.

Di bawah ini diangkat bagian-bagian terentu dari tulisan sahabat baikku Wilson Obrigados itu: Pembaca yang ingin membaca selengkapnya silakan mengaksesnya di internet (indoprogres.com).

* * *

Tulis Wilson tentang Jokowi:

“Gebrakannya dalam membuat kebijakan yang pro-rakyat dan bersikap kritis terhadap modal asing, memberikan angin baru pada kekuasaan yang terus membusuk di negeri ini. Kekuasaan yang selama ini dipersonifikasikan dengan pro modal, korup, elitas dan oligarkis, dengan hadirnya Jokowi, kini dapat personifikasi sebagai aspiratif dan pro-rakyat”. DemikianWilson memulai tulisannya.

Kesimpulan Wilson:

“Pembelajaran – Fakta adanya pemerintahan dapat berpihak pada rakyat, merupakan angin sejuk di tengah kekuasaan yang korup dan elitis. Jokowi sudah meredifinisi kekuasaan menjadi pelayan dan mengabdi kepada kepentingan publik. Dengan gaya sederhananya ia membangun fungsi pengawasan, konsultatif dan kontrol atas pemerrintahannya, berdasarkan demokrasi langsung yang ia kembangkan, melalui turba dan konsultasi langsung publik.

“Jokowi membangunkan raksasa bisu yang bernama rakyat, dari pelaku pasif atas kekuasaan politik menjadi pemain aktif dalam proses penentuan kebijakan sebuah pemerintahan.Dengan cara ini, Jokowi menghancurkan sekat depolitisasi yang diciptakan orde baru, dan yang paling penting lagi, rakyat diberi harapan dan kapasitas untuk mengubah nasibnya dengan terlibat aktif dan langsung untuk mengawasi pemerintahan.

“Apa yang dilakukan Jokowi di Solo . . . . . memberikan pondasi awal bagi rakyat untuk menyadari kekuatannya untuk mempengaruhi dan mengontrol kekuasaan, suatu tradisi yang dihilangkan sejak tahun 1965 oleh orde baru yang kemudian dilanjutkan oleh pemerintahan pusat di |Jakarta hingga sekarang... (cetak tebal dari I.I.)

“Kita butuh menciptakan Jokowi – Jokowi baru di seluruh Indonesia”

* * *

Tanggapan, atau katakanlah analisis Wilson terhadap gejala/fenomena munculnya dan bergayanya pejabat negeri, Walikota Solo Joko Widodo, merupakan input baru dalam menganalisis perkembangan poitik Indonesia, di periode REFORMASI yang sedang “jalan di tempat”.

Maka menjadilah bahan pemikiran hal yang dipertanyakan dewasa ini:

Adakah ada pejabat yang baik? Yang "FOR THE PEOPLE", “FROM THE PEOPLE” AND "ELECTED BY THE PEOPLE" ??? . . . . Di zaman REFORMASI yang mandek dimana korupsi dan manupulasi di kalangan pejabat negeri dari paling atas sampai ke paling bawah, . . . berkembang membudaya?

Hal-hal ini semakin gawat untuk dapat jawaban, a.l karena Joko Widodo, Jokowi (50) dan Ahok – Basuki Cahaya Purnama (46) sudah ditampilkan jadi calon untuk Gubernur dan Wakil Gubernur Jakarta Raya pada pilkada mendatang.

* * *

: DAHLAN IKSAN "BIKIN GEBRAKAN" . . . . . LAGI!

IBRAHIM ISA
21 MARET 2012
----------------------

PARA SAHABAT,
... PARA PEMBACA YANG BUDIMAN,

PERHATIAN, PERHATIAN !!!
:
DAHLAN IKSAN "BIKIN GEBRAKAN" . . . . . LAGI!

DAHLAN IKSAN MENYERUKAN: --- "KITA JADIKAN BBM MUSUH KITA BERSAMA" !!!!!! . . .

"HAMIL TUA UNTUK LAHIRNYA PUTRA PETIR"

"PUTRA PETIR TIDAK BOLEH TERLALU LAMA DALAM KANDUNGAN"!!

BACA DNG KRITIS DAN ANALITIS -- TULISAN DAHLAN IKSAN DI MAIIST ËLSHINTAGROUP, 21 MARET 2012.

SBY AND THE INDONESIAN ECKONOMY TODAY

IBRAHIM ISAS – SELECTED NEWS AND VIEWS

FOCUS: SBY AND THE INDONESIAN ECKONOMY TODAY

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--- Cluttered development concepts

--- SBY lists 5 obstacles in development programs

--- More tax, the greater the development . . .Yudhoyono

--- SBY holds to speed development in three provinces

--- RI tough conditions for resending workers to Malaysia

--- Analysis: BBM price hike is cheap political fuel

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Cluttered development concepts

The Jakarta Post Editorial:

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono last week expressed his frustration over the failure, and, sometimes even the refusal of regional leaders and lower-ranking officials to implement decisions or programs adopted at his Cabinet meetings.

The problems, we think, can be blamed partly on the excesses of regional autonomy, bureaucratic incompetence, negative inertia and Yudhoyono himself, who has been notorious for his weak leadership.

But the President also is well-advised to reflect on whether the development programs decided on by his Cabinet could be easily understood by regional administrations.

For example, many may have been confused by development concept jargons so often propagated by the government these days.

Try to digest these: Economic corridors, integrated economic development zones, special economic zones, free trade zones and industry clusters.

During the national working conference with his ministers and regional leaders in Bogor on Tuesday the President launched economic corridor programs which will develop industry clusters and business centers to support local economies along the coastlines of Java, Sumatra, Kalimantan, Sulawesi and Papua.

The corridors, he said, would serve as development highways to connect new growth centers on the five major islands.

One day later, on Wednesday Investment Coordinating Board chief Gita Wirjawan talked about another issue. He told a hearing with the House of Representatives that of the 14 integrated economic development zones launched on the five major islands in 2005, only three had been realized and able to attract private investors.

The other 11 have remained undeveloped and unable to attract private investments due to acute lack of infrastructure, licensing red tape, inadequate fiscal incentives and overlapping authorities.

As part of the action programs during the first 100 days of Yudhoyono’s second-term, Coordinating Minister for the Economy Hatta Rajasa and several other economic ministers launched the development of clusters of resource-based industries in several provinces in January 2010.

In February last year, Hatta promoted another concept of special economic zones (SEZs) for development of three agriculture-based SEZs. Two SEZs in Medan (North Sumatra) and Dumai (Riau) would focus on palm oil-based industries while the third in Merauke (Papua) would focus on food crops, notably rice.

We find it difficult to understand why the government uses so many seemingly different and confusing concepts when what it really means is simply the development of SEZs based on the SEZ law enacted in September 2009.

SEZs essentially call for the development of special regions with streamlined procedures for business licensing and the hiring of expatriates, flexible labor regulations, tax breaks, customs duty exemptions and good infrastructure to woo investors in export-oriented industries.

In essence, the economic corridors, integrated economic development zones, industry clusters, free trade zones and export-processing zones are actually almost identical to the SEZ development concept that has been successfully implemented in China, India, Malaysia and Vietnam.

Natural resource-based industry clusters can generate localized economies arising from specialization and integration of manufacturing operations, reduce transportation costs and significantly improve supply chain management.

SEZs are also capable of enhancing development of economic corridors, which in turn will help form development highways through economic linkages between one SEZ to another.

But then, at the end of the day, whatever the name of the concept may be, nothing will happen without adequate infrastructure.

SBY lists 5 obstacles in development programs

The Jakarta Post

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in a working meeting Monday listed five factors hindering the country’s development.

The first is the bureaucracy lag, especially in the central government, in implementing plans that have been agreed upon.

“We make a decision in the Cabinet session. The respective minister understands it, but [the execution] in the ministry is delayed, they say it needs to undergo more talks…” Yudhoyono said Monday as quoted by antara.com.

The second hindering factor is regional governments having their own interests, which become obstacles in carrying out agreed development plans.

The third is investors failing to fulfill their promises, thus halting development programs.

“The fourth [factor] is when one knows that a regulation is hindering [the process], and that it can be improved, and yet it is not. The fifth is an unhealthy political process at central and regional [levels]. Let us think clearly,” Yudhoyono said.

He added that Indonesians needed to know why a plan was not carried out.

“In the era of democracy and transparency, once a master plan is agreed upon, do admit if there is an obstacle. The people need to know who is hindering it, who is irresponsible and who is failing to keep promises, and finally, who caused the failure. Let’s find solutions,” Yudhoyono said. — JP

— JP

The more tax, the greater the development, says Yudhoyono

Rangga D. Fadillah, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | Tue, 03/20/2012

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and other top officials submitted their annual tax forms (SPT) in drop boxes provided at the Finance Ministry in Jakarta on Monday.

Together with Yudhoyono, People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR) chairman Taufik Kiemas, Finance Minister Agus Martowardojo, Bank Indonesia Governor Darmin Nasution and Constitutional Court chairman Mahfud M.D. also dropped off their forms, followed by all ministers in the second United Indonesia Cabinet.

“Paying taxes is very important for the country. The government has the duty to develop the country and provide welfare for the people. To do that, we need a lot of money and the highest revenue for the government comes from the taxation sector,” Yudhoyono said.

“The more discipline the people have in paying their taxes, the more development and welfare we can provide,” he said.

Lastly, Yudhoyono requested that all tax officers provide the best services to tax payers and avoid any misconduct that might lead to legal problems like corruption.

“Tax officers must do their jobs within legal procedures. There must be no illicit practices or corruption,” he said.

Agus said in a speech that the Tax Directorate had made strides in bureaucratic reform over the past several years.

“That achievement is reflected through a public survey conducted by the Corruption Eradication Commission [KPK]. We got 7.65 out of 10, above the minimum standard set by the commission of 6,” he said.

Last year, the office also received a good mark, 3.79 out of 4, in the tax payers’ satisfaction survey conducted by the Bogor Agricultural Institute (IPB).

Agus said the Tax Directorate was committed to increasing the state’s revenue from taxes. In 2011, the government received Rp 872.6 trillion (US$95.11 billion) in taxes, or 99.3 percent of the government’s target.

This year, the directorate is aiming to boost its collected taxes to Rp 1,032 trillion, or 78 percent of the nation’s total revenues.

Agus claimed that the tax office was committed to increasing tax revenue. In 2011, total tax revenue reached Rp 872.6 trillion, or 99.3 percent of the target set by the government.

To secure this year’s tax revenues, the tax office has launched several strategic programs, including the National Tax Survey (SPN), exploring potential revenues from certain sectors, improving administration for businesspeople and educating small- and medium-size enterprises.

“The coming of the President and other top officials today to submit their tax forms is a show of the state institutions’ obedience to their tax obligations. I hope this can set a good example for all citizens,” Agus said.

To make the form submission easier and simpler, the tax office has provided drop boxes in strategic locations across the country and utilized post offices to facilitate the submission. The office has also introduced electronic filing, which can be done on the office’s official website.

He said he agreed with Yudhoyono that tax officers should operate within the law to ensure the public did not doubt the success of bureaucratic reform at the tax office.

SBY holds meeting to speed development in three provinces

Nani Afrida, The Jakarta Post,

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono held a meeting Thursday to accelerate development in three provinces; Papua, West Papua and Sulawesi Tenggara.

Vice President Boediono and ministers from the Indonesian United Cabinet (KIB) II attended the meeting to hear presentations from the three governors.

"We must direct more attention to provinces that require more resources and budget to speed development," Yudhoyono said before the meeting.

Yudhoyono said successful development in the province was not only about development itself, but about management, collaboration, and concepts and synergy, between the central and local government.

"This is what we will do in the future," he said.

Yudhoyono added that over the past two years the government had allocated a huge budget amount to Papua, for example.

In 2009, Papua received Rp 16 trillion (US$1.76 billion), and Rp 19.8 trillion in 2010.

This year, Yudhoyono said, the government had allocated Rp 20 trillion to Papua.

"I just want to show that the budget amount allocated to the province has increased significantly," he said, adding that the government would make sure the development in the province would be a success.

RI applies tough conditions for resending workers to Malaysia

Ridwan Max Sijabat, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | Tue, 03/20/2012

Indonesia will resume sending its migrant workers to Malaysia in April if both countries agree on standards of competence and monthly payments.

“We will resume the labor supply after we receive assurances from Malaysia on several crucial issues, such as monthly payments, cost structures and standards of competence. Both sides will have to monitor one another to ensure the protection of migrant workers,” Manpower and Transmigration Minister Muhaimin Iskandar said in Jakarta on Friday.

Indonesia announced a moratorium on June 26, 2009, following an increasing number of abuses against its workers in the neighboring country.

A joint task force from both countries met on Thursday and agreed on a 200-hour competence training program as required by Malaysia, and a demand by Indonesia to set the monthly minimum wage between 600 and 800 Malaysian ringgit (US$197 and $262), a significant increase from the rate of 400 ringgit prior to the suspension.

The Malaysian delegation, led by Dato Sheikh Yahya Mohamed, demanded all workers undergo a 200-hour training program prior to starting their contracts in four core jobs: housemaids, cooks, babysitters and carers for the elderly.

The Indonesian Manpower and Transmigration Ministry’s director general for overseas labor placement, Reyna Usman, said Indonesian workers would enjoy one day off every week and a maximum of 12 working hours per day.

They would also earn 108 ringgit per day’s overtime if they worked on their day off, she added.

Indonesia lifted the moratorium on labor to Malaysia in November 2011, after both governments signed a new labor agreement on Indonesian workers’ rights in Malaysia.

However, Malaysian newspaper The Star reported on Sunday that the “one maid, one task” ruling had caused an uproar in Malaysia, with the associations for both agents and employers now wanting to know whether the Malaysian officials had agreed to it, and if so, why.

“Reyna made the announcement and the meeting then moved on to other matters,” The Star quoted an Indonesian participant, who asked not to be identified.

The Association of Foreign Maid Agencies’ (Papa) acting president, Jeffrey Foo, said Malaysian officials should explain what transpired at the meeting. “If our officials agreed to it, they should explain it to us.”

Malaysian Maid Employers’ Association (Mama) president Engku Ahmad Fauzi Engku Muhsein concurred, saying: “There are many doubts that need to be cleared up. We want to know what really happened at the meeting.”

Malaysian Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak expressed his surprise over the new conditions for sending maids to Malaysia.

Najib said, as quoted by The Star, that what was announced by Indonesia’s Labor Placement Development director-general Dr. Reyna Usman, was “not reasonable at all”.

“We hope on their side, they will revert to the agreement reached between myself and the Indonesian President, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono [on this issue],” he said.

Late last week, Malaysian Human Resources Minister S. Subramaniam said Indonesia’s latest statement was not in line with the understanding reached by the two nations.

Commenting on a report from Jakarta, which said that maids would only perform one type of work, Subramaniam said that representatives from both countries would meet in Jakarta to resolve the matter.

Analysis: BBM price hike is cheap political fuel

Debnath Guharoy, Roy Morgan | Tue, 03/20/2012

Perhaps more than anything else, it is the price of fuel that influences the cost of almost everything, touching the lives of just about everybody in the country. Ever since the decision was floated as a trial balloon in February, the rumor mill has been working overtime. We’ve heard just about everything. Dark plots of a military coup right through to large-scale rioting that will set the country ablaze are among the stories that have done the rounds. The Blackberry Messenger, or BBM as it is popularly known, has been one of the instruments to engage in the ongoing and all-embracing debate on the other BBM, also the acronym for Bahan Bakar Minyak.

The impact on the KADIN-Roy Morgan Consumer Confidence index was immediate and punishing. The rating shed over 10 points in a single month, bringing back memories of a similar plunge the last time a raise was introduced. Commenting on the February results, Suryo Sulisto, chairman of KADIN, said, “This had to happen, it was inevitable. This is a good time for the fuel price hike to be introduced. Consumer confidence has been riding sky-high for a very long time, despite the gloom worldwide. It was time to burst the bubble. The increase will bring fuel prices closer to realistic levels. The subsidies have been too much for too long. Hopefully, some much-needed attention will finally be paid to the development of infrastructure and essential services.”

The Bank Indonesia monthly rating also dived, shedding six points. No surprise. But the difference between the two ratings made one noticeable difference crystal clear. The prospect of the hike is being received with even greater trepidation outside of the selected cities surveyed by the central bank each month. A look at the details will reveal the extent of the shock. Consumer confidence is down 10.2 points in February, the lowest since September 2010, when it stood at 132.3. Now it is two points lower than the 138.8 registered exactly a year ago in February of 2011.

The month’s big fall was driven by decreasing confidence across all components of the survey. In terms of personal finances 37 percent, down four points, say their family is ‘better off’ financially than a year ago. This continues to compare favorably with the 18 percent, up six points, who say their family is ‘worse off’ financially than a year ago. But the good news is that 54 percent of Indonesians still expect their family to be ‘better off’ financially this time next year. Remaining in the majority, the drop from the high of January was a mere five percentage points. I say a mere five points because the drop is relatively small in comparison with the overall crash of the index by 10 points. Similarly, the number of people who expect to be ‘worse off’ financially went up to just seven percent, up by only four points. Under the circumstances, these drops aren’t as severe as I would have expected.

In terms of the economy, 74 percent of Indonesians continue to believe that the nation will enjoy ‘good times’ financially during the next twelve months. In contrast, 26 percent, up six, say we’ll have ‘bad times’ financially. An overwhelming majority of 82 percent, down five, remain convinced that Indonesia will have ‘good times’ economically over the next five years. The people who expect ‘bad times’ economically went up by five points, to a relatively small 17 percent of the population.

A slight majority of Indonesians, 51 percent down five, continue to say ‘now is a good time to buy’ major household items. This is now closer to the 46 percent, up six points, who believe ‘now is a bad time to buy’ something like a refrigerator or TV set. Remarkably robust, under the circumstances.

To put this all in perspective, it’s an appropriate time to make a comparison with our wealthy neighbours down under. Indonesia’s score of 136.8 in these troubled times, is still higher than Australia’s best-ever of 133.2 in January 2005. These are the ratings from the same questions being asked for 40 years in Australia and seven in Indonesia, by the same institution in both countries, Roy Morgan Research. Even if we were to accept the usual stereo-typing of ‘optimistic Indonesians’ and ‘realistic Australians’, the confidence in both today and tomorrow expressed across the archipelago augurs well.

The prognosis is visible in the recent pages of Indonesia’s eco-political history. I expect confidence levels to drop some more in March and April. I’m not a fortune-teller but if the past is anything to go by, expect a plateau by June and the climb back upwards again, commencing July.

Is this why a beguilingly confident President Yudhoyono is off to China this week, ahead of the much-touted demonstrations starting today? Strange timing. And how much of the savings in subsidies will go to the common good and how much to the country’s Gayuses and Nazaruddins? Two questions I thought that were worth asking. Go figure.

The monthly rating is based on 2,106 face-to-face interviews conducted throughout Indonesia, not just a handful of cities. Men and women aged 14 and over were randomly selected during the month of February 2012.

The writer can be contacted at debnath.guharoy@roymorgan.com

Siapa “TAKUT” Pada MASA LAMPAU!

Kolom IBRAHIM ISA

Sabtu, 17 Maret 2012

------------------------------

Siapa “TAKUT” Pada MASA LAMPAU!

“Takut” . . . . . . . . malu pada “masa lampaunya” ?
Betul! . Maksudnya takut pada masa lampau gelap mereka yang tercatat dalam sejarah. Takut pada ingatan yang tak mau hilang dari benaknya, mengenai peranannya dulu, yang tercatat sebagai lembaran hitam.

Gejala ini ada di mana-mana! Di kolom ini akan disinggung 'takutnya' tidak sedikit orang Belanda, terutama elite penguasanya, bila diungkap kembali peranan buruk bahkan kejam dan biadab mereka, ketika menguasai negeri kita, Indonesia.

* * *

INDONESIA

Namun, di Indonesia, . . . . . juga tidak sedikit orang-orang seperti itu.

Mereka takut bila 'masa lampau' yang kelam dalam sejarah bangsa, diungkap kembali. Khususnya peristiwa dimana mereka ambil bagian di dalamnya. Sebut saja: Ketika ambil bagian aktif atau ikut-ikutan, dalam kampanye menggulingkan Presiden Sukarno. Ikut mempersekusi dan membantai orang-orang Kiri khususnya PKI. Mereka mereka itu dengan tangkas merebut “kesempatan emas” – “the golden opportunity” yang terbentang di hadapan mereka. Mereka memfitnah saingan atau sahabat sendiri. Tentang kedekatannya dengan PKI atau golongan Kiri lainnya. Dengan tujuan agar aparat militer menggeser yang difitnah itu ke penjara, ke pembuangan atau keliang kubur. Selanjutnya mengkatrol dirinya sendiri menjadi penggede atau pejabat. Berpesta pora di dalam 'band-wagon”nya Orde Baru di bawah Presiden Suharto.

* * *

Mereka-mereka itu, dengan pelbagai dalih tak mau mengingat-ingat atau diingatkan pada 'masa lampau Peristiwa 65'. Ini bukan kejadian biasa. Itu terjadi a.l bahkan di KomnasHAM.

Kalau 'kasus 65' disinggung, apalagi diangkat dijadikan acara resmi. Maka mereka mengancam dengan geram: -- “Apa pembunuhan kiayi-kiayi oleh PKI juga akan diungkap?”. Padahal cerita tentang 'pembumuhan kiayi-kiayi oleh PKI' itu adalah 'rekayasa' fihak aparat semata. Tujuannya adalah mengadu domba antara NU dan PKI. Caranya: Kepada orang-orang NU mereka tunjukkan “daftar PKI” (yang sesungguhnya dibuat oleh aparat), yang memuat nama-nama kiayi-kiayi NU yang akan dibantai oleh PKI. Kepada orang-orang PKI, aparat yang sama itu juga, menunjukkan 'daftar NU' yang juga dibikin oleh aparat sendiri. Yaitu “daftar NU” berisi nama-nama orang-orang PKI yang akan dibunuh Anshor/NU.

Sama halnya mengenai peranan mereka dalam 'peristiwa Tanjung Periuk' , 'peristiwa penghancuran kantor PDI di jalan Diponegoro' (1996), atau 'peristiwa Mei 1998'. Itu samasekali tidak ingin mereka bicarakan. Karena, dalih mereka, itu berarati 'membuka luka-luka' masa lalu.

Ingatan mengenai masa gelap itu ingin sekali mereka lupakan. Mereka merasa risih dan juga takut, kalau pembicaraan menyinggung 'kasus peristiwa 65', atau kasus-kasus lainnya dimana mereka ikut terlibat dalam kekerasan dan pelanggaran HAM berat.

* * *

Tetapi cara apapun yang mereka lakukan untuk 'mempeti-eskan' masa lampau yang kelam, dimana mereka terlibat, 'kasus masa lampau yang gelap' itu akan muncul lagi, dan akan muncul lagi.

Perhatikan pengalaman sejarah negeri-negeri lain, seperti Afrika Selatan, atau Argentina, Chili dan Spanyol misalnya -----

Demikin inilah logika sejarah: --- Sampai saatnya kasus-kasus gelap pada masa lampau itu terungkap sepenuhnya; dan jelas siapa pelaku dan siapa korban, -- serta terhadap yang bersalah diambil tindakan hukum yang setimpal, kasus-kasus itu akan selalu muncul kembali dalam pembicaraan, penelitian, seminar dst.

* * *

BELANDA

Di Belanda juga terjadi hal yang serupa. Sementar orang: TAKUT dengan MASA LAMPAU (kolonialismenya).

Hal itu menyangkut sejarah kolonialisme Belanda terutama di Indonesia. Tetapi juga sekitar “perdagangan budak”. Dalam bahasa Belandanya, “slaven handel”. Penguasa Belanda ketika itu amat terlibat. Belanda (VOC) menjadikan Ghana, Afrika, sebagai pangkalan 'merekrut' budak-budak berkulit Hitam, untuk dijual ke Amerika dan tempat-tempat lain.. Perdagangan budak tsb dilakukan dengan persekongkolan dengan 'raja-raja' dan kepala suku setempat, di Afrika. Juga dengan pedagang-pedagang budak dari sementara negeri Arab.

Taktik kolonialisme ini, --- bersekongkol bahkan bersandar pada penguasa feodal setempat dalam menjalankan penguasaan kolonialnya, memang efektif. Mereka lakukan juga di Indonesia. Multatuli mengungkapnya dalam bukunya berjudul asli dalam bahasa Belanda, "Max Havelaar, of de koffij-veilingen der Nederlandsche Handel-Maatschappij" . Edisi Indonesia: --"Max Havelaar, atau Lelang Kopi Perusahaan Dagang Belanda".

Roman ini ditulis oleh Multatuli h a n y a dalam tempo sebulan pada tahun 1859. Yang kemudian karya literair itu dinobatkan oleh kalangan literer Belanda sebagai novel terbesar Belanda saat itu.

Untuk pertama kalinya, seorang pejabat kolonial Belanda, mantan asisten residen Lebak, Banten, dengan menggunakan nama-pena Multatuli, menulis buku yang dengan jelas dan lantang membeberkan nasib buruk rakyat di bawah penjajahan Belanda. Ia bercerita tentang penderitaan rakyat di bawah sistim tanam-paksa di daerah Lebak, Banten. Di salah satu bagian bukunya memuat drama tentang Saijah dan Adinda yang sangat menyentuh hati pembaca, sehingga sering kali dikutip dan menjadi topik untuk dipentaskan di panggung.

Kini buku Multatuli, Max Havelaar menjadi bacaan wajib di sekolah-sekolah di Belanda.

Inilah segi lainnya dari Belanda. Di satu fihak ---kasus yang akan segera diungkap – sikap TAKUT MASA LAMPAU sementara orang-orang Belanda. Di lain segi sikap BERANI MENGUNGKAP MASA GELAP KOLONIALISME negerinya senediri.

* * *

Di kolom ini pernah ditulis masalah patung Jan Pieterszoon Coen, mantan gubernur VOC di Indonesia. ( Lihat di http://ibrahimisa.blogspot.com, --- Minggu, 17 Juli 2011, berjudul:

“Gubernur Jendral VOC J.P. COEN (1587-1629), -Adalah BAJINGAN PALING BESAR, -- Kata Hati Nurani Orang Belanda).

Salah seorang wartawan Belanda, Eric van de Beek, menulis di s.k nasional Belanda, " De Volkskrant", 12 Juli 2011, 'iemand als Coen hoor je niet te eren'. Terjemahan bebas: 'Orang seperti Coen tak patut dihormati'. Tambah lagi "De tijdomstandigheden waren geen
verzachtende omstadigheden voor de massamoordenaar J.P. Coen'. Artinya, 'Situasi ketika itu, bukanlah sesuatu yang (bisa) meringankan bagi seorang pembantai-massal seperti J.P. Coen'. Eric Van de Beek menegaskan, 'sejarah tanah air kita, tak mengenal bajingan yang lebih
besar lagi' (maksudnya tak ada bajingan yang lebih besar selain JP Coen).

Van de Beek menulis kata-kata seperti tsb sebagai kritik keras pada Dewan Perwakilan Gemeente Hoorn, Holland, yang menolak permintaan dan petisi sebagian masyarakat yang
menuntut agar patung mantan gubernur jendral VOC J.P. Coen di tengah
kota Hoorn itu, disingkirkan dari situ, karena mencemarkan nama (baik)
bangsa Belanda. Patung itu didirikan oleh Gemeente Hoorn sebagai
kenangan ulangtahun ke-300 J.P. Coen.

Dia ( J.P. Coen) mendirikan kota Batavia dengan membakar habis kota Jayakarta. Coen melakukan
pembantaian masal di kepulauan Banda. Hampitr seluruh15.000
penduduk kepulauan Banda habis dibunuh. Coen sendiri mengakuinya.
Tulis Coen: 'De inboorlingen sijn meest allen dood door den oorloch,
aarmoede ende gebreck vergaen. Zeer weynich isse in de omliggende
eilanden ontcomen'.

Sebelum dibangunnya patung Coen di tengah kota Hoorn, hal
itu sudah menjadi masalah. Pada tahun 1887, seorang historikus Belanda
J. A Van der Chijs a.l menulis sbb: Saya ragukan apakah
(dibangunnya patung JP Coen) masih akan diteruskan. (Karena) pada
namanya melekat darah.' Namun, 6 tahun kemudian (1893) patung Coen (
yang sialan itu) berdiri juga di tengah kota Hoorn. Setelah berdirinya
patung Coen disitu, banyak protes diajukan masyarakat. Tidak sedikit
tulisan dan petisi yang dimuat di pers yang memprotes keberadaan patung
JP Coen di tengah kota Hoorn. Tetapi politisi dan penguasa kota Hoorn
berkeras-kepala mempertahankannya. Hal mana menunjukkan bahwa pengaruh
dan kekuatan politik konservatif masih kokoh dikalangan penguasa
Belanda, termasuk di kotapraja Hoorn.

Demonstrasi-demonstrasi diadakan dan bahkan patung Coen disirami cat hitam
dsb. Menunjukkan kemarahan masyarakat Hoorn. Mengapa
'bajingan pembunuh masal' JP Coen diberikan penghormatan dengan
mendirikan patungnya di tengah kota Hoorn. Eric van de Beek: 'Seorang
pembunuh masal tidak patut dihormati, dengan mendirikan patungya dipusat
kota kita'.

Direktur Musium Westfries menyatakan di RTL-Nieuws: ; Dia (Coen) adalah
seorang yang kejam. Tetapi dia(Coen) bukan satu-satunya orang yang
begitu'. Dengan keluhan berat Eric van de Beek menutup tulisannya sbb:
'Sebuah kota Hoorn dengan patung yang diperuntukkan bagi seorang
penjagal-manusia seperti JP Coen: Ini suatu bahan (pemikiran)bagi para
akhli ilmu jiwa'

* * *

KOMPROMI

Ini perkembangan terakhir mengenai konfrontasi antara hati nurani orang-orang Belanda yang menuntut agar patung J.P. Coen disingkirkan dari tengah kota Hoorn, l a w a n . . .. penguasa konservatif reaksioner Dewan Kotapraja Hoorn. Kaum konservatif/reaksioner yang ingin menutupi yang buruk, yang gelap dari masa lampau kolonialisme, -- ingin mempertahankan masa lampau Coen sebagai “pahlawan”, --- serta menutupi kebiadaban Coen sebagai seorang gubernur yang kejam dan biadab.

Coen adalah orangnya yang telah melakukan GENOSIDE terhadap penduduk pulau Banda, pelaksana kekuasaan kolonial Belanda. Tapi Dewan Kotapradja Hoorn TAKUT MASA LAMPAU KOLONIALISME BELANDA YANG BURUK ITU TERUNGKAP.

Beginilah 'stand' terakhir konfrontasi di Hoorn tsb, :

Wartawan Belanda, Peter de Waard dari s.k. “de Volkskrant”, 15 Maret 2012, melaporkan dari Amsterdam: Bahwa Jan Pierterszoon Coen tetap akan dihormati di masa mendatang sebagai pejabat yang bertindak keras dan visionair namun dicela oleh pengkritisi disebabkan oleh tindakan kekerasan ketika memaksakan kebijakan monopoli perdagangan di Hindia (Belanda).

Dewan Kotapraja Hoorn setuju teks penjelasan yang baru, pada kaki patung Coen yang akan tetap berdiri di situ. Diberitakan bahwa di dalam teks baru itu akan tertera mengenai ekspedisi-hukuman yang dilakukan Coen di kepulauan Banda, dimana telah jatuh korban ribuan penduduk Banda dan pulau-pulau lainnya. Juga, katanya, akan tertera di teks itu bahwa menurut para pengkritisi, politik perdagangan yang dijalankan Coen di Nusantara, menjebabkan untuk J.P. Coen tidak patut didirikan sebuah patung peringatan.

* * *

Chris van der Heijden, seorang historikus muda Belanda menyerukan pleidooi, agar dilakukan penulisan sejarah (Belanda) yang j u j u r .

Tulis Chris an der Heijen, sejarah kita telah memaafkan manipulasi. Segi-segi gelap mengenai perkembangan nasion Belanda yang ditandai oleh kepahlawanan boleh dikatkan tidak disinggung samasekali, demikian Chris. Sudah waktunya untu secara formil mengakui lembar-lembar gelap dari sejarah tanah air. Demikian Chris van der Heijden.

* * *

Dari kasus patung J.P. Coen yang berdiri lebih seratus tahun sebagai 'pahlawan' ditengah kota Hoorn, tempat kelahiran Coen, dan konflik dan konfrontasi sekitarnya, menunjukkan dua hal yang nyata:

Pertama ---- di Belanda, masih kuat dan berdominasi pandangan “TAKUT TERHADAP MASA LAMPAU YANG GELAP DALAM SEJARAHNYA”. Dan berkeras hendak menutupinya. Pandangan konservatif dan reaksioner ini terutama berjaya di kalangan penguasa.

Segi kedua --- Dari kasus patung J.P. Coen di kota Hoorn ini, tampak semakin tumbuhnya pandangan-pandangan realis dan progresif mengenai sejarah bangsa Belnda, seperti terjermin pada tulisn wartawan Eric van de Beek dan 'pelidooi' historikus muda Chris van der Heijen.

* * *

IN MEMORIAM KARL MARX

Kolom IBRAHIM ISA

Kemis, 15 Maret 2012

IN MEMORIAM KARL MARX

Kemarin, 14 Maret 1883, --- 129 tahun yang lalu, Karl Marx,

Bapak Sosialisme modern, meninggal dunia di kota London. Ketika bicara di makamnya, menilai perjalanan hidup Karl Marx, Engels mengatakan bahwa, . . . “pemikir terbesar yang hidup berhenti berpikir”.

* * *

Marxisme, sebagai ideologi dan teori sosialisme modern, telah mengalami perkembangannya sendiri. Hal itu berlangsung di sepanjang proses kaum Marxis sedunia menggunakannya sebagai senjata ideoloogi dan politik dalam perjuangan untuk menegakkan keadilan sosial, membangun masyarakat SOSIALIS, atas dasar prinsip adil, -- “SETIAP WARGA BEKERJA MENURUT KEMAMPUANNYA DAN MEMPEROLEH MENURUT HASIL KERJANYA”.

Menjelang berakhirnya Perang Dunia I, dengan penuh keheranan dan takjub, dunia menyaksikan berdirinya negara Sosialis pertama, Uni Sovyet, di Rusia Tsar, sebagai hasil suatu revolusi yang dibimbing oleh doktrin/ideologi/politik Marxis. Namun,7 dasawarsa kemudian, negeri dengan sistim sosialis ini mengalami kehancurannya. Sistim ekonomi dan politik kapitalis ditegakkan kembali.

Begitu juga halnya dengan berdirinya negara-negara demokrasi rakyat/Sosialis di Eropah Timur, yang juga mengalami kehancuran bersamaan pada periode hancurnya Uni Sovet.

Tinggalah negeri-negeri Sosialis Tiongkok, Korea Utara, Vietnam dan Cuba, yang terus hidup dan berkembang atas dasar ideologi/politik dan teori Marxis, ditrapkan pada kondisi kongkrit masing-masing negeri.

Dengan menarik pelajaran dari kegagalan sistim sosialis di Uni Sovyet, Tiongkok dewasa ini, berdasarkan pada ajaran Marxis yang ditrapkan pada kondisi kongkrit Tiongkok, sedang dengan sukses melakukan pembangunan eknomi dengan kecepatan pertumbuhan yang tidak pernah terjadi sebelumnya di Tiongkok. MenjadikanTiongkok negeri satu-satunya di dunia, dengan ekonomi yang paling cepat pertumbuhannya. Itulah sebabnya Tiongkok menjadi negara satu-satunya yang bisa dengan mantap menghadapi krisis finansil dunia belakangan ini,

Sedangkan sementara negeri lainnya juga berusaha menegakkan sistim ekonomi sosialis berdasarkan ajaran Marxis, seperti Venezuela.

* * *

Perkembangan perjuangan dan kegiatan berbagai kekuatan politik di manca negara untuk menegakkan suatu sistim kenegaraan yang adil dan makmur dengan mengakhiri sistim eksploitasi kapital atas kerja, dengan tujuan menciptakan suatu sistim ekonomi dan politik yang adil dan makmur, --- dengan berpedoman atau memanfaatkan teori Marxis, – – – – menunjukkan bahwa Marxisme sebagai ajaran sosialisme, – – sebagai gagasan untuk mencapai keadillan dan kemakmuran bagi kaum yang bekerja, untuk mengakhiri eksploitasi oleh segolongan kecil pemilik modal atas kaum pekerja umumnya, – – – sebagai ajaran sosialisme, MASIH TETAP RELEVAN.

Selama masih ada penindasan dan eksploitasi oleh modal terhadap kerja, penindasan minoritas terhadap mayoritas manusia di dunia ini, selama itu, tidak sedikit pandangan akan berpaling pada Marxisme, sebagai suatu ideologi dan teori , untuk menegakkan keadilan dan kemakmuran.

Gejala ini juga terdapat di Indonesia. PKI sebagai kekuatan politik Marxis terbesar dalam sejarah

Indonesia sudah dibubarkan. Marxisme-Leninisme dilarang melalui TAP MPRS No XXV/1966. Namun ajaran Marxis, teori sosialisme menurut Marxisme, – – – – nyatanya semakin tersebarkan. Kita menyaksikan untuk pertama kalinya buku Marx/Engels, yaitu Das Kapital, edisi Indonesianya bahkan terbit ketika masih berlakunya TAP MPRS No XXV/1966, yang melarang ajaran Marxisme.

Setelah jatuhnya Suharto puluhan bahkan ratusan literatur sosialis Marxis terbit dan beredar di Indonesia.

* * *

Dalam karya klasiknya “Dari Utopia ke Sosialisme Ilmu”, Engels menguraikan bahwa,

karyanya bermaksud menjelaskan tentang teori sosio-politik ekonomi yang dirintis oleh Marx. Inilah alasan mengapa teori tsb dirumuskan sebagai 'sosialisme ilmu' sebagai lawan dari 'sosialisme utopi'.

Namun Marx sendiri tidak pernah menyatakan ide/teorinya itu sebagai 'sosialisme ilmu'.

* * *

Yang dimaksud dengan sosialisme ilmu adalah sutu metode berfikir dan analisis untuk memahami dan meramalkan gejala material melalui penelitian terhadap kecenderungan sejarahnya, --- lewat metode ilmiah.

Kaum sosialis-ilmu berpandangan bahwa perkembangan sosial dan politik itu, -- sebagian terbesar ditentukan oleh kondisi-kondisi ekonomi. Berlawanan dengan ide-ide kaum sosialis-utopi dan kaum liberal klasik, -- penganut sosialisme-ilmu mengartikan hubungan sosial dan fikiran mengenai moralitas, di atas dasar dan tali-menalinya dengan tingkat perkembangan ekonominya.

Maka kesimpulannya – ialah, bahwa sistim-sistim ekonomi, yaitu, sosialisme dan kapitalisme, -- bukan merupakan bangunan sosial yang bisa dididirikan pada sebarang waktu, atas dasar kemauan dan kehendak sebagian orang,--- tetapi merupakan produk evolusi sosial.

Kondisi ekonomi yang berbeda, mengharuskan perubahan pada organisasi sosial.

Di bawah ini disiarkan (teks bhs Inggris) dari PIDATO PERPISAHAN DENGAN KARL MARX, YANG DIUCAPKAN OLEH FREDERICK ENGELS DIMAKAM KARL MARX, DI LONDON, PADA TGL 17 MARET 1883.

Untuk terjaminnya pemahaman yang standar mengenai pidato F. Engels tsb,, karena belum didapatnya teks bahasa Indonesia yang pasti, maka pertama-tama disiarkan di sini teks bahasa Inggris yang dikerjakan oleh Mike Lepore (1993).

* * *

Frederick Engels’ Speech at the Grave of Karl Marx
Highgate Cemetery, London. March 17, 1883

Transcribed: by Mike Lepore, 1993.

---

On the 14th of March, at a quarter to three in the afternoon, the greatest living thinker ceased to think. He had been left alone for scarcely two minutes, and when we came back we found him in his armchair, peacefully gone to sleep -- but for ever.

An immeasurable loss has been sustained both by the militant proletariat of Europe and America, and by historical science, in the death of this man. The gap that has been left by the departure of this mighty spirit will soon enough make itself felt.

Just as Darwin discovered the law of development or organic nature, so Marx discovered the law of development of human history: the simple fact, hitherto concealed by an overgrowth of ideology, that mankind must first of all eat, drink, have shelter and clothing, before it can pursue politics, science, art, religion, etc.; that therefore the production of the immediate material means, and consequently the degree of economic development attained by a given people or during a given epoch, form the foundation upon which the state institutions, the legal conceptions, art, and even the ideas on religion, of the people concerned have been evolved, and in the light of which they must, therefore, be explained, instead of vice versa, as had hitherto been the case.

But that is not all. Marx also discovered the special law of motion governing the present-day capitalist mode of production, and the bourgeois society that this mode of production has created. The discovery of surplus value suddenly threw light on the problem, in trying to solve which all previous investigations, of both bourgeois economists and socialist critics, had been groping in the dark.

Two such discoveries would be enough for one lifetime. Happy the man to whom it is granted to make even one such discovery. But in every single field which Marx investigated -- and he investigated very many fields, none of them superficially -- in every field, even in that of mathematics, he made independent discoveries.

Such was the man of science. But this was not even half the man. Science was for Marx a historically dynamic, revolutionary force. However great the joy with which he welcomed a new discovery in some theoretical science whose practical application perhaps it was as yet quite impossible to envisage, he experienced quite another kind of joy when the discovery involved immediate revolutionary changes in industry, and in historical development in general. For example, he followed closely the development of the discoveries made in the field of electricity and recently those of Marcel Deprez.

For Marx was before all else a revolutionist. His real mission in life was to contribute, in one way or another, to the overthrow of capitalist society and of the state institutions which it had brought into being, to contribute to the liberation of the modern proletariat, which he was the first to make conscious of its own position and its needs, conscious of the conditions of its emancipation. Fighting was his element. And he fought with a passion, a tenacity and a success such as few could rival. His work on the first Rheinische Zeitung (1842), the Paris Vorwarts (1844), the Deutsche Brusseler Zeitung (1847), the Neue Rheinische Zeitung (1848-49), the New York Tribune (1852-61), and, in addition to these, a host of militant pamphlets, work in organisations in Paris, Brussels and London, and finally, crowning all, the formation of the great International Working Men's Association -- this was indeed an achievement of which its founder might well have been proud even if he had done nothing else.

And, consequently, Marx was the best hated and most calumniated man of his time. Governments, both absolutist and republican, deported him from their territories. Bourgeois, whether conservative or ultra-democratic, vied with one another in heaping slanders upon him. All this he brushed aside as though it were a cobweb, ignoring it, answering only when extreme necessity compelled him. And he died beloved, revered and mourned by millions of revolutionary fellow workers -- from the mines of Siberia to California, in all parts of Europe and America -- and I make bold to say that, though he may have had many opponents, he had hardly one personal enemy.

His name will endure through the ages, and so also will his work.

* * *

Bagian-bagian tertentu yang diterjemahkan dari pidato F. Engels.

Di bawah ini diusahakan mengedit pidato F. Engels tsb diatas, menterjemahkan bagian-bagian tertentu dari pidato Engels, sekadar berussaha mengkhayati isinya. Harus dicatat bahwa tidak mudah menterjemahkan pidato Engels itu kedalam bahasa Indonesia.

* * *

Pada 14 Maret, pukul 2:45 sore, pemikir terbesar yang hidup berhenti untuk berpikir. Dia ditinggalkan sendirian selama hampir dua menit, dan ketika kami kembali, kami menemukan di kursinya, damai pergi tidur - tetapi untuk selama-lamanya.

Dengan kematian manusia ini, kerugian tak terkira telah diderita, baik oleh proletariat yang militan Eropa dan Amerika, serta oleh ilmu sejarah. Kesenjangan yang ditinggalkan dengan keberangkatan semangat yang besar ini akan segera dirasakan.

SAMA SEPERTI CHR. DARWIN

Sama seperti Darwin yang telah menemukan hukum perkembangan atau alam organik, Marx menemukan hukum perkembangan sejarah manusia: Yaitu fakta sederhana, bahwa manusia harus pertama-tama makan, minum, memiliki tempat tinggal dan pakaian, sebelum dapat ambil bagian dalam kehidupan politik, ilmu pengetahuan, seni, agama, dll;

Oleh karena itu produksi sarana material langsung, dan akibatnya tingkat perkembangan ekonomi yang dicapai oleh orang-orang tertentu atau selama zaman tertentu, --- merupakan fondasi atas dasar mana, lembaga negara, konsepsi-konsepsi hukum, seni, dan bahkan ide tentang agama, dari orang yang bersangkutan ---- telah ber-evolusi, dan dalam sorotan ini, hal it harus dijelaskan, bukan sebaliknya, seperti yang sampai sekarang terjadi.

* * *

Tapi itu tidak semua. Marx juga menemukan hukum khusus yang mengatur gerak cara produksi kapitalis masa kini, dan masyarakat borjuis yang diciptakan atas cara produksi ini . Penemuan nilai lebih tiba-tiba dengan terang-benderang memberikan penjelasan terhadap masalah, dalam usaha untuk memecahkannya, yang sesudah dilakukannya semua penyelidikan sebelumnya, --- baik oleh ekonom borjuis dan kritik sosialis, meninggalkan masalahnya tetap pada situasi meraba-raba dalam gelap.

* * *

Bagi Marx pertgama-tama adalah seorang revolusioner. Misi sejati dalam hidupnya adalah untuk memberikan sumbangan, dalam satu atau lain cara, untuk menggulingkan masyarakat kapitalis dan lembaga negara yang telah menciptakan masyarakat kapitalis, berkontribusi pada pembebasan proletariat modern, dimana Marx lah orang yang pertama kali membuat proletariat sadar akan posisi klasnya dan kebutuhan klasnya, sadar akan kondisi emansipasi klasnya.

Karenanya, Marx adalah orang yang paling dibenci dan difitnah pada zamannya. Pemerintah, baik absolut dan republik, mendeportasi Marx dari wilayah mereka.

Borjuis, apakah konservatif atau ultra-demokratis, bersaing dengan satu sama lain dalam penumpukan fitnah atas dirinya. Untuk semua ini, ia menepis seperti seakan-akan sebuah sarang laba-laba, mengabaikan hal itu, menjawab hanya ketika kebutuhan ekstrim memaksanya.

Ketika Marx wafat, ia dicintai, dihormati dan dikenang oleh jutaan revolusioner sesama pekerja - dari tambang di Siberia sampai Kalifornia, di semua bagian Eropa dan Amerika - dan saya harus benar-benar mengatakan bahwa, meskipun Marx mungkin memiliki banyak lawan, tetapi Marx hampir tidak mempunyai satu musuh pribadi.

Nama dan karya-karyanya. akan dikenang selama berabad-abad kemudian.

Highgate Cemetery, London, 17 Maret 1883.

* * *