IBRAHIM ISA'S – SELECTED NEWS AND VIEWS

IBRAHIM ISA'S – SELECTED NEWS AND VIEWS
WORLD PRESS FREEDOM DAY – 03 MAY
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--- Role of the Press Key to Indonesia’s Progress
--- SBY Must Keep Ball Rolling in Economy
--- Indonesia Must Keep the Wind in its Economy's Sails
--- Confidence Abounds For Indonesia's Economy
--- Don’t Let Corruption Steal Focus From Reform
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Role of the Press Key to Indonesia’s Progress
Jakarta Globe Editorial, 02 May 2010
Indonesia today enjoys one of the freest press climates in the region­ — at least as far as having the freedom to start up new publications. Shortly after the fall of Suharto’s authoritarian New Order government, the Ministry of Information, which was tasked with issuing press licenses and monitoring coverage of sensitive issues, was abolished. It was a startling reform, and the nation went from fearful of information to open and outspoken almost overnight.

As a result, there are more than 200 local publications and television stations in the country today, creating a vibrant media environment. Radio stations remain popular and a key source of news and information, while bloggers and the online media are mushrooming.

The press has also grown in influence. In the current era, both the government and opposition political parties understand and appreciate that they need to maintain open communication channels with the mainstream media.

The local media industry has come a long way since the repressive days of the New Order regime when newspapers and magazines could be closed by the government with little regard for due process. But as journalists in Indonesia celebrate World Press Freedom Day today, they should be mindful of continuing threats against them, in particular the threat of criminal defamation and various forms of intimidation designed to stifle their voices and the people’s right to know.

In recent years, there has been an alarming rise in the use of criminal defamation against journalists despite the enactment of the 1999 Law on the Press and the 2008 Law on Freedom of Information, which ostensibly protect journalists against charges of criminal defamation. Unfortunately, repressive criminal legislation remains on the books.

And while the media is now a full-fledged industry, it still struggles to attract the best and brightest Indonesians. This is primarily because of low salaries and the low prestige associated with journalism. The media must, however, acknowledge that professionalism among journalists also has to improve before salaries will rise and more bright young people will consider it a career option. There is a dire need to improve on-the-job training for young journalists as well as modernizing curriculums in journalism schools.

The future for Indonesia’s press is bright. As more people attain higher education, there will be a greater thirst for information, entertainment and enlightenment. Journalists must adapt to the changing landscape, and while they must continue to play a watchdog’s role to keep excessive government in check, the media must also play a nation-building role.

Given its ability to influence the populace and change mind-sets, the press has a unique opportunity to shape a new Indonesia. It must exercise its responsibility with wisdom and care. In many ways, the country’s future is in its hands.
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SBY Must Keep Ball Rolling in EconomyJakarta Globe Editorial, 19 April 2010:
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono put the economy back on the front burner in Bali on Monday and his timing could not have been better. Buffeted by a string of controversies, the president has at times taken his eye off the economic ball.

Tampaksiring Palace in verdant central Bali was the perfect setting for Yudhoyono to focus the government’s attention on the economy as senior officials, business leaders and provincial governors joined his cabinet for a three-day national retreat on economic strategy. To kick off the event, he outlined his 10 “Tampaksiring strategies” aimed at boosting economic growth.

These include encouraging significant growth in investment and exports, as well as developing human resources. The president was on the mark in noting that Indonesia must push per capita income beyond the $3,000 level if it is to climb above emerging economy status and also reduce poverty. By the end of his term in 2014, Yudhoyono wants to see a per capita income of $4,500.

With average income now at $2,600, the government, working with private business, must power the economy forward. The momentum is clearly with the country at this time and it would be a crime not to maximize this golden opportunity.

The president’s ambitious program also calls for a reduction in the official unemployment rate from about 8 percent to between 5 and 6 percent and lowering the poverty rate from the current 16 percent to below 10 percent.

Most of the targets and plans outlined in Bali are not new. The president has often cited these figures and has long pushed for more equitable growth. But by focusing on these issues squarely in such a public gathering, he is indicating the economy is now once again his central focus.

His personal push and focus is crucial if any of these targets are to be met. The country needs firm and dynamic economic leadership — and that begins with the president. He must take the lead in driving infrastructure development and promoting bureaucratic reforms. He must ensure that policies are well thought through and effectively implemented. If he succeeds, his legacy will be assured.

Although he has Coordinating Minister for the Economy Hatta Rajasa at his side, it is imperative that the president is personally involved if business and the economy are to grow. The magic 7 percent GDP growth target he restated on Monday will only be achieved if Yudhoyono takes the lead.

The president highlighted a number of significant challenges that await, including the establishment of political stability, legal certainty and public order as well as the creation of the right policies and regulations. The latter is crucial for building investor and business confidence as wrong policies do far more damage than even corruption.

Indonesia is on a roll right now and we must not lose the momentum. The country may not get another chance.
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Indonesia Must Keep the Wind in its Economy's Sails – Jakarta Globe Editorial, 02 May 2010
Indonesia’s stock market is on a bull run. The rupiah is at its highest level since August 2008 and investors and local businesspeople are increasingly optimistic about the country’s economic outlook.

This virtuous cycle presents a golden opportunity for the government to push ahead aggressively with the reforms needed to take the economy forward. As Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati noted, 2010 must be the year of removing bottlenecks and roadblocks, and accelerating growth.

The finance minister said the challenge for the government would be to push through reforms, especially in some of the most important institutions such as the police, the Attorney General’s Office and the Supreme Court. This is critical not just for investors and the business community, but also for the nation as a whole.

Removing bottlenecks and roadblocks in sectors such as logistics, licensing and power generation will be crucial for accelerating growth this year. The economy is expected to grow at 6 percent in 2010, but if these crucial reforms are pushed through, growth could be even higher.

Improvements in both market sentiment and business confidence also reflect the easing political tension in the country. Now that the Bank Century bailout investigation is hopefully behind us, it is an opportune moment to refocus on the economy and on creating jobs. We should all now concentrate on working to accelerate growth.

Improving the nation’s infrastructure — vital to support growth — and overhauling the legal system are serious challenges for the government. Both tasks will require careful planning, focus and execution. These tasks cannot be left in the hands of junior government servants, and it is heartening to hear the finance minister say she is back on the job.

If these challenges are overcome, Indonesia also will be better placed to capitalize on growth in other regional markets by participating fully in the Asean-China Free Trade Agreement. If its industries are competitive once again, Indonesia can become a major exporter of both natural resources and manufactured goods, and local industries will not need to fear competition from outside.

The wind is now clearly blowing in Indonesia’s sails. The momentum that is now with the country must be maximized and utilized. The confluence of factors that created this virtuous cycle took nearly a decade to come together. Indonesia now has a great opportunity to reap the dividends of the business-friendly government policies that have been put in place.

The investment community is ready to invest. The stock market is signaling that better times lie ahead as equity markets always move ahead of actual trends. Indonesia is in a sweet spot and it would be criminal if we let this opportunity slip from our grasp. Now is the time to make a real difference for a better tomorrow.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho – JAKARTA GLOBE, 03 MAY 2010
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Confidence Abounds For Indonesia's Economy
Jakarta Globe Editorial, 04 January 2010
Optimism is a powerful force and the positive tone coming from the office of the coordinating minister for the economy is welcome news for the business sector and the economy as a whole. Speaking at his first news conference of the year, Hatta Rajasa, chief economics minister, painted a bullish picture for the economy in 2010.

In particular, the country’s manufacturing sector looks set to bounce back from last year’s sluggish growth. Both Hatta and Industry Minister MS Hidayat expressed confidence the sector would grow by nearly 5 percent this year, compared to 1.6 percent in 2009. If indeed this is achieved, it would spell good news for the economy as a whole

The manufacturing sector is the backbone of the economy in terms of creating jobs and driving industrial output. The sector employed 14 million workers in 2009, an increase of 570,000 over 2008, but still far below the two million new jobs needed to absorb new entrants to the workforce.

This means the government will need to work much harder to ramp up growth. It will need to move speedily to resolve a host of issues that have held back manufacturing growth over the past few years, mainly a lack of infrastructure, a labor law that is prohibitive to employers and too much bureaucracy. These are significant challenges that need to be tackled in a coordinated and comprehensive manner.

Renegotiating the implementation of the Asean-China Free Trade Agreement, which takes affect this year for certain manufacturing sectors, may buy the country some time but is not a long-term cure. Forming an interministerial department that would include private sector participation to accelerate competitiveness sounds like a good idea, but only if concrete measures are adopted and implemented.

Ultimately, the private sector needs well-thought-out and business-friendly policies coupled with modern infrastructure to be competitive both regionally and globally. Companies need to know where the government stands on crucial issues such as the corporate tax rate, electricity prices and increasing power supply to make informed decisions. There is no doubt the economic team under Hatta has been working hard to accomplish many of the programs outlined in the government’s 100-day program to accelerate economic growth. This is laudable, especially with Hatta claiming that more than 90 percent of the programs have been completed. But before we can congratulate ourselves, much more work lies ahead.

We need a concrete, workable and multi-dimensional program to take us to the next level of growth over the next five years. This is the real task for President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and his cabinet. Coordination among the various ministries will be crucial in achieving this, as will be the formulation of policies to increase competitiveness and raise living standards across the country.


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Don’t Let Corruption Steal Focus From Reform – Jakarta Globe Editorial
The arrest of a police officer and a lawyer involved in the investigation into rogue tax official Gayus Tambunan illustrates the ongoing need to stay vigilant against corruption. It is evident that graft is still very much in our midst and even among those very officials who we expect to be above it.

Gayus burst into headlines this month when Susno Duadji , a former National Police chief of detectives, alleged that the middle-ranking tax officer had paid off senior police officials to halt an investigation into huge sums of money found in his bank accounts. This case has become even more complex than it initially appeared, and has since resulted in a flurry of internal investigations within the tax office as well as law-enforcement bodies, including the police and the Attorney General’s Office.

Police said that more arrests will be made in relation to the initial investigation on Gayus, while the AGO said its internal investigator had found suspected procedural violations in the prosecution of the tax official, which ended in his acquittal by the Tangerang District Court this month.

It is a long, drawn-out battle and more arrests should come as no surprise.

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has made fighting graft a central platform of his administration, and the latest episode shows that although he remains committed to the cause, much has yet to be done.

Combating deep-rooted corruption is critical to economic growth and the long-term health of the nation, but other action is also needed. It is equally important that the government gets its policy framework right. Well thought out policies are even more critical to boosting business confidence and attracting much needed investment. Clean business practices and clear legal certainty would also be meaningless in the absence of the appropriate policies and environment to attract investment in the country.

Revising the negative list investment list that limits foreign investment, for example, should be a key priority. So should streamlining the tax regime so as to empower individuals and businesses. The government must ensure that the economy’s growth trajectory remains strong in the years to come. To ensure continuing economic growth, the government must not be distracted by politics. It should also quickly draw up a new industrial blueprint and solve the acute power shortages that have plagued the country over the past years.

Fighting corruption must go hand in hand with allowing businesses to grow uninhibited. We must lower taxes and streamline bureaucracy. If the government can succeed in accomplishing these critical goals, it will have laid the foundations for long-term sustainable economic growth. And this will, in turn, help raise living standards for all Indonesians.
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“Mijn Vriend SUKARNO” – W. Oltmans < 2>

IBRAHIM ISA – Berbagi Cerita
Jum'at, 30 April 2010
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“Mijn Vriend SUKARNO” – Willem Oltmans

Tulisan ini -- Juga hendak memberikan gambaran yang ' l a i n ' kepada 'kita-kita' orang-orang Indonesia, -- mengenai orang-orang Belanda. Khususnya bersangkutan dengan pertanyaan: Bagaimana sebenarnya sikap Belanda sekarang ini, terhadap Indonesia? Apakah memperlakukan Indonesia, masih seperti dulu? Ataukah sudah berubah? Menganggap Indonesia sebagai suatu bangsa merdeka. Yang setara dan sederajat dengan Belanda?

Untuk menghindari sikap 'main-pukul-rata', maka dikemukakan dalam tulisan ini kasus kongkrit. Ia seorang Belanda. Wartawan kawakan. Ia meninggal dunia enam tahun yang lalu. Namanya WILLEM OLTMANS. Berbeda dengan banyak rekan-wartawan Belanda lainnya, ia punya penilaian tersendiri mengenai Sukarno. Baginya, Sukarno adalah seorang pemimpin nasional bangsa Indonesia dan Presiden pertama Republik Indonesia, telah memerdekakan bangsanya. Oltmans hormat dan mengaguminya. Wartawan Belanda itu, paling tidak selama sepuluh tahun, menyaksikan dengan mata kepala sendiri betapa Presiden Sukarno begitu dihormati, dicintai dan punya pengaruh amat besar di kalangan rakyatnya. Teristimewa di kalangan 'wong cilik', di kalangan kaum 'Marhaen'.

Dalam salah satu tulisannya, Willem Oltmans, menjelaskan bahwa di kalangan penguasa dan lapisan tertentu masyarakat Belanda, ketika itu, i.e dalam periode sebelum proklamasi kemerdekaan 17 Agustus 1945, sampai periode setelah 1949, --- Sukarno adalah “Musuh-negara kita nomor satu”. Hij is “ Onze Staatsvijand nummer een”.

Tokh -- 'musuh negara nomor satu” itu, kepala negara dan kepala pemerintah Indonesia tsb, bagi Willem Oltmans, adalah “Mijn Vriend Sukarno”. Adalah “Sahabatku Sukarno”.

Kata Oltmans: Sikap dan pelbagai cerita tentang Sukarno yang begitu sering dan paling suka dimamah-biak di Belanda dan di Barat, bahkan di kalangan Indonesia tertentu , -- didasarkan pada 'reka-rekaan' saja. Muncul dari emosi yang disebabkan, akhirnya oleh kenyataan yang sulit mereka cernakan. Yaitu: “Dia itu, Sukarno, adalah pemenang yang tak diragukan lagi, dan bahwa kita orang-orang Belanda, telah bertindak sebagai orang-orang kalah yang menyedihkan (miserabel).

* * *

Bagaimana bisa begitu?
Bukankah tidak sulit mencari di Belanda, (ketika itu dan sampai sekarangpun) -- tokoh-tokoh politik, pemimpin-pemimpin masyarakat, termasuk dari kalangan gereja, apalagi di kalangan penulis, pakar dan media, di kalangan para mantan 'KNIL' dan 'KL', --- yang 'tidak suka' dan 'membenci' Sukarno. Pandangan mereka-mereka itu sama dengan pandangan penguasa Belanda zaman kolonial. Menilai bahwa Sukarno adalah “musuh negara kita nomor satu”. Menemukan orang-orang sinis yang 'anti-Sukarno' di Belanda samasekali TIDAK SULIT!!!

Dewasa ini, baik yang terang-terangan maupun yang terselubung, masih terdapat orang-orang Belanda yang 'benci setengah mati' kepada Sukarno.

Begitu mendengar nama Sukarno, maka cepat saja berkomentar: 'Oh itu, si kolaborator Jepang itu! 'Oh itu, yang beristri lebih dari empat itu'. 'Oh itu, promotor konsep 'Demokrasi Terpimpin' yang 'telah gagal total' dan telah 'menjerumuskan' Indonesia'. 'Oh, itu, si 'diktator otoritér' yang berhubungan erat dengan Peking dan Moskow! Yang kerjasama dan Pro-PKI itu!'

Membantah fitnahan bahwa 'Sukarno kolaborator Jepang', Willem Oltmans mengingatkan pada buku-studi Prof. George McTurnan Kahin berjudul Nationalism and Revolution (1952). Di situ, (halaman 104 – 106) G.T Kahin menulis a.l.
“. . . . bahwa Sukarno menganggap Jepang sepenuhnya adalah fasis. Sukarno beranggapan bahwa ia dan kawan-kawan seperjuangannya harus menempuh cara perjuangan yang paling halu (subtiel), untuk menghindar dari berbentrokan dengan kekuatan (pendudukan militer) Jepang. Maka mereka bertindak sedemikian rupa sehingga Jepang menganggap mereka berkolaborasi”.

Seperti apa yang saya lakukan, kata Oltmans, Prof G.T. Kahin mengambil kesimpulan demikian itu, melalui proses penelitian terhadap Bung Karno, Hatta, Sjahrir dan banyak orang Indonesia lainnya.

* * *

Tidak sekali-dua kutulis, bahwa, masih ada, --- bahkan tidak sedikit jumlahnya orang-orang Belanda yang berpandangan w a j a r mengenai Sukarno dan Indonesia. Mereka mampu melihat realita dan menilai bahwa Sukarno, pertama-tama, adalah seorang pemimpin terkemuka perjuangan kemerdekaan bangsa Indonesia. Seorang pahlawan bangsa yang dicintai rakyatnya. Bahwa Sukarno adalah salah seorang terpenting pembangun NASION INDONESIA. Bahwa Sukarno adalah pejuang nasional yang telah memberikan segala-galanya yang terbaik dari hidupnya demi kepentingan bangsa dan tanah air Indonesia. Bahwa, --- adalah Sukarno yang menggali dari bumi Indonesia, dasar falsafah kenegaraan bangsa Indonesia. Serta dengan populer dan sistimatis merumuskannya, dalam pidatonya ( 1 Juni 1945) “LAHIRMYA PANCASILA”. Bahwa Sukarno adalah penggali falsafah PANCASILA yang kemudian menjadi dasar falsafah NEGARA REPUBLIK INDONESIA.

Orang-orang Belanda yang demikian itu, --- mampu melihat kenyataan sejarah, bahwa Sukarno termasuk salah seorang tokoh Asia-Afrika terpenting. Bersama tokoh-tokoh Asia-Afrika lainnya, seperti Nehru dan Gamal Abdul Nasser, yang telah mencetuskan Konferensi Asia-Afrika pertama. Bahwa visi pokok Sukarno mengenai kedudukan di dunia internsional dari bangsa-bangsa yang baru melepaskan diri dari kolonialisme dan imperialisme, adalah berdiri sendiri sebagai kekuatan politik yang BERDIKARI. Yang tidak berfihak ke blok-Barat maupun ke blok-Timur. Visi Sukarno: – Hanya dengan demikian negeri-negeri yang baru merdeka, bisa mempertahankan kemerdekaannya. Serta berkembang secara independen. Memainkan peranan sebagai kekuatan 'penyeimbang' antara blok-blok raksasa yang bertentangan di dunia. Dengan demikian bisa memainkan peranan positif dalam usaha perdamaian dunia di tengah-tengah berkecamuknya “Perang Dingin”.

Orang-orang Belanda tsb bisa menghargai kenyataan sejarah bahwa Sukarno adalah pembela dan pendukung kuat gerakan kemerdekaan nasional di Asia dan Afrika melawan kolonialisme dan imperialisme. Bahwa Sukarno adalah promotor persatuan Asia-Afrika, demi kemerdekaan nasional dan perdamaian dunia.

Selain tokoh-tokoh cendekiawan seperti, Prof. Bob Hering, Prof W.F. Wertheim dan banyak lainnya, WILLEM OTLMANS adalah salah satu dari oran-orang Belanda yang bisa melihat dengan obyektif peranan, pengaruh dan arti penting Sukarno bagi bangsa Indonesia. Bagi Asia-Afrika dan bagi Dunia Ketiga serta bagi dunia internasional.

Demikianlah, tulisan ini hendak mensosialisasikan pandangan yang realis, yang wajar, mengenai orang-orang Belanda. Agar 'kita-kita' ini, jangan memandang Belanda dengan 'kaca-mata' “HITAM-PUTIH” belaka.

* * *

Willem Oltmans bisa memahami dan mengagumi konsep politik kenegaraan yang dirumuskan Bung Karao dalam konsep “DEMOKRASI TERPIMPIN”. Hakikat Demokrasi Terpimpinnya Bung Karno, menurut Oltmans, seperti yang disampaikan oleh Bung Karno kepadanya, adalah – SEMANGAT GOTONGROYONG. Adalah konsep politik kenegaraan MUSYAWARAH DAN MUFAKAT!

Dalam pecakapannya dengan Sukmawati Sukarnoputri (1995), Oltmans menyatakan: “Selangkah-demi-selangkah Pesiden Sukarno menjelaskan:

Betapa sejak kemerdekaan tahun 1945 Presiden harus bermanuver di suatu sistim politik yang diimpor dari Barat. Suatu sistim politik yang mengakibatkan suatu 'situasi-Italia', dengan munculnya tiap tahun kabinet koalisi yang baru. Yang punya rencana lain dan tuntutan lain. Warisan kolonial antara lain terdiri dari suatu pemerintahan (birokrasi) model politik Westminster – yang terdiri dari 40 parpol yang dikepalai oleh wanita-wanita dan priya-priya yang saling-sirik dan selalu cekcok. “Sampai tahun 1955 Negara tak bisa dipimpin disebabkan oleh percekcokan politik”.

Willem Oltmans menjelaskan kepada Sukmawati, bahwa dalam tahun 1957 Sukarno menerangkan kepadanya, bagaimana beliau masih saja tidak bisa memberikan pimpinan politik, yang amat diperlukan Indonesia sebagai sebuah negeri berkembang yang prominen. Itulah sebabnya mengapa Bung Karno, melakukan segala sesuatu yang mungkin, untuk membalikkan suatu 'demokrasi-dimana mayoritas- selalu benar' – ke suatu cara pengambilan keputusan yang sesuai cara otentik-Jawa, yaitu suatu demokrasi dimana keputusan diambil melalui cara 'musyawarah-mufakat'.

Sukarno menjelaskan, seperti yang didengar sendiri oleh Oltmans, bagaimana selama ratusan tahun bangsa Indonesia mengatur kehidupan bermasyarakat, dengan mentrapkan cara 'musyawarh dan mufakat' – – – sampai tercapainya kesimpulan bersama.

Beribu-ribu tahun lamanya, seperti yang dijelaskan oleh Bung Karno kepada Cindy Adams, para kepala desa kami, memimpin pemerintahan setempat, dengan cara duduk berunding bersama, masing-masing memberikan pendapatnya dan masing-masing mendengarkan pendapat yang lain.

Willem Oltmans: Presiden Sukarno telah mengakhiri sistim demokrasi Barat, dimana sering terjadi SATU SUARA SAJA bisa menentukan. Kata Presiden Sukarno, 'pada kami tidak seorangpun sepenuhnya benar, dan bersamaan dengan itu, juga tidak seorangpun yang samasekali salah.

“Kami memilih suatu sistim dimana masing-masing merasa lega”.



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ERASMUS HUIS JAKARTA MEMPERINGATI MULTATULI

IBRAHIM ISA - Berbagi Cerita
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Kemis, 29 April 2010*


Pagi ini kuterima e-mail dari Paul Peters, Direktur ERASMUS HUIS Jakarta, sekitar:


-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
PERTUNJUKAN TEATER Dengan Judul
"MAX HAVELAAR SPEECH", di ERASMUS HUIS JAKARTA

Untuk MEMPERINGATI KELAHIRAN EDUARD DOUWES DEKKER,
alias MULTATULI dan ”PERAYAAN 150 TH BUKU MAX HAVELAAR”
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Bung Paul Peters y.b.,


Terima kasih atas informasi dan undangan untuk menghadiri PERTUNJUKAN TEATER DENGAN JUDUL
"MAX HAVELAAR SPEECH", untuk MEMPERINGATI KELAHIRAN EDUARD DOUWES DEKKER, alias

MULTATULI, penulis karya sastra roman kenamaan Belanda  "MAX HAVELAAR";

dan ”PERAYAAN 150 TH BUKU MAX HAVELAAR” pada tanggal 03 Mei jam 20.00 yad, di ERASMUS HUIS, JAKARTA.

Sayang sekali, kebetulan saya masih ada di Amsterdam.


Mengharapkan Sukses!


Salam takzim,
I. Isa
*) Ibrahim Isa adalah
Sekretaris Stichting Wertheim, Amsterdam
Publisis
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------

TERLAMPIR INFORMASI DAN UNDANGAN DARI PAUL PETERS:

Peters, Paul schreef:


message from Paul Peters
Director Erasmus Huis



 Theatre play “Max Havelaar Speech"

    Right-click here to download pictures. To help protect your privacy, Outlook prevented automatic download of this picture from the Internet.

*Please click attached PDF documentRight-click here to download pictures. To help protect your privacy, Outlook prevented automatic download of this picture from the Internet. Adobe Acrobat PDF pdfmaxhavelaar.pdf (312 Kb) *

*Senin, 3 Mei 2010 / Monday, 3 May 2010, 20.00, Erasmus Huis, Jl, H.R. Rasuna Said Kav. S-3, 12950 Jakarta, 021 - 5241069*

*Teater/Theater
Max Havelaar
Sutradara/Director: Rachman Sabur
Dalam bahasa Indonesia/ Language Indonesian*

Dalam rangka memperingati kelahiran Eduard Douwes, Dekker, nama pena Multatuli (1820-1887) dan perayaan 150 tahun tahun buku Max Havelaar. Yayasan Payung Hitam akan mempersembahkan pertunjukan teater dengan judul Max Havelaar Speech.
Pertunjukan ini adalah hasil kerjasama antara Payung Hitam, Erasmus Huis, Kedutaan Besar Kerajaan Belanda dan HIVOS.
Informasi: Rachman Sabur, 0813 - 9529 9157, Ade Ii Syarifuddin, 0813 - 2143 3943
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+++

To commemorate the birth of Eduard Douwes Dekker - pen name: Multatuli (1820-1887) and the 150th anniversary of his book Max Havelaar. Payung Hitam
Foundation will perform a theatre play called Max Havelaar Speech.
This play is a collaboration between Payung Hitam, Erasmus Huis, The Royal Netherlands Embassy and HIVOS.
Information: Rachman Sabur, 0813 - 9529 9157, Ade Ii Syarifuddin, 0813 - 2143 3943
Right-click here to download pictures. To help protect your privacy, Outlook prevented automatic download of this picture from the Internet. Emailadres payung_hitam82@yahoo.com

BONNIE TRIYANA Memperingati 150 Th “MAX HAVELAAR”

IBRAHIM ISA – Berbagi Cerita
Selasa, 27 April 2010
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Sejarawan Muda -- BONNIE TRIYANA
Memperingati 150 Th “MAX HAVELAAR”
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Notisi:
Buku Mutatuli alias Eduard Douwes Dekker, -- “Max Havelaar, of de Koffiveilingen der Nederlandsche Handelmaatschappy “,(Edisi Indonesia: “Max Havelaar atau Persekutuan Lelang Dagang Kopi Hindia Belanda” ) adalah novel pertama dalam sejarah literatur Belanda, yang begitu jelas MENGGUGAT FEODALISME (mengungkap sistim tanam-paksa) dan KOLONIALISME di Hindia Belanda.
Bicara tentang 'jembatan- awal' yang menghubungkan rakyat Indonesia dengan rakyat Belanda, adalah sikap dan pendirian Eduard Douwes Dekkter yang tercatat hitam diatas putih dalam sejarah hubungan kedua bangsa – – , itulah JEMBATAN-AWAL yang sesungguhnya yang menghubungkan rakyat Belanda dengan rakyat Indonesia.

Karya Eduard Douwes Dekker tsb, yang ditulisnya di sebuah kamar di Brussel (1859) dalam jangka waktu sebulan saja (!!), terbit pertama tahun 1860. Di Belanda novel pendobrak ini dinilai sebagai karya sastra Belanda terbesar. Sebagai mula langkah- pembaruan dalam sejarah sastra Belanda. Khususnya gaya penulisannya yang memelopori suatu pendobrakan terhadap penulisan novel tradisionil. Dunia pendidikan Belanda menjadikan karya Mutatuli itu sebagai bacaan wajib di sekolah-sekolah.

Edisi Indonesia pertama, terjemahan H.B. Jasin, terbit pada tahun 1972 dan dicetak ulang 1973.

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Dalam rangka memperingati 150-th terbitnya buku Douwes Dekker alias Multatuli, “Max Havelaar atau Persekutuan Lelang Dagang Kopi Hindia Belanda”, yang diselenggarakan dengan pelbagai kegiatan di Amsterdam, punya gema yangnyata di Indonesia.
Sejarawan generasi baru Bonnie Triyana, mempersembahkan tulisannya sbb:

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"MADU Dan RACUN di Rangkasbitung"
Bonnie Triyana, Sejarawan –
INI bukan roman tapi gugatan," demikian tema peringatan 190 tahun kelahiran Eduard Douwes Dekker alias Multatuli. Acara itu berbarengan dengan perayaan 150 tahun penerbitan Max Havelaar atau Persekutuan Lelang Dagang Kopi Hindia Belanda karya Multatuli, yang diselenggarakan di Belanda tahun ini. Dirayakan di tanah kelahirannya, Dekker dan Max Havelaar nyaris dilupakan di negeri yang pernah dibelanya: Indonesia.
Max Havelaar diajukan Universitas van Amsterdam sebagai salah satu warisan dunia. Karya itu pernah dianggap sebagai roman picisan berdasarkan khayalan belaka. Tak sedikit orang yang menganggap Multatuli manusia frustrasi yang menumpahkan kekecewaannya pada sosok Bupati Lebak Raden Adipati Karta Natanagara yang ia benci. Sempat pula muncul pernyataan bahwa Multatuli tak berbeda dengan orang Belanda kulit putih lainnya yang datang ke Indonesia dengan satu tujuan: menjajah.
Dekker alias Multatuli datang ke Rangkasbitung, Lebak, Banten pada pengujung Januari 1856. Posisi sebagai asisten residen ia dapatkan berkat lobi khusus E. de Waal kepada Gubernur Jenderal Hindia Belanda Duymaer van Twist. De Waal-kelak menjadi menteri urusan daerah kolonial-adalah kerabat dekat Everdine Huberte Baronesse van Wijnbergen, istri Dekker.
Sebelum ke Rangkasbitung, Lebak, Dekker telah malang-melintang dalam berbagai penugasan sebagai amtenar-di Sumatera Barat, Karawang, Bagelen, Manado, dan Ambon. Penugasan ke Rangkasbitung adalah pengalaman baru bagi Dekker. Lebak, seperti beberapa daerah di Banten lainnya, adalah daerah minus yang menjadi ladang subur bagi tumbuhnya pemberontakan. Paling tidak ada dua pemberontakan besar yang terjadi pada abad ke-19: pemberontakan Haji Wakhia (1850) dan pemberontakan petani Banten (1888).
Beberapa pekan setelah tiba di Rangkasbitung, Dekker tidak menunjukkan tanda-tanda bermusuhan dengan Bupati Lebak Raden Adipati Karta Natanagara. Ia malah pernah menawarkan uang kepada Bupati karena pejabat itu menanggung hidup banyak orang di luar keluarga inti. Hubungan baik yang dijalin oleh Dekker tampak dalam surat yang tak sempat ia kirimkan ke Gubernur Jenderal Van Twist. Kata Dekker, "Bupati adalah orang yang sangat menyenangkan."
Kalaupun Dekker mencium gelagat tak beres dari cara Karta Natanagara memerintah, ia tak langsung menegur. Dekker malah mengajak Bupati bicara dari hati ke hati layaknya sahabat. Patih Lebak yang menyaksikan pertemuan itu mengatakan baru pertama kali melihat pejabat Belanda bicara halus dan ramah. Pada waktu yang bersamaan, Natanagara sedang menyiapkan jamuan besar menyambut kunjungan Bupati Cianjur yang masih kerabatnya. Dekker mengulurkan tangan membantu perhelatan itu.
Tapi hubungan baik itu berubah ketika Dekker mendengar laporan janda C.E.P. Carolus tentang kematian suaminya yang tak wajar. Beredar kabar bahwa C.E.P. Carolus, asisten residen yang digantikan Dekker, tewas diracun oleh menantu Natanagara, Raden Wirakusuma. Sebelum meninggal, Carolus tengah menyusun laporan pelanggaran Bupati Lebak. Dekker menemukan dan membaca laporan itu.
Moechtar dalam bukunya Multatuli: Pengarang Besar, Pembela Rakyat Kecil, Pencari Kebenaran dan Keadilan menyebutkan, setelah mendengar laporan janda Carolus dan menemukan laporan asisten residen nahas itu, Dekker menulis surat pengaduan kepada Residen Banten Brest van Kempen di Serang. Inilah awal dari semua konfrontasi.
Dalam surat tersebut Dekker mengusulkan agar Natanagara diberangkatkan secepatnya ke Serang untuk diadili. Raden Wirakusuma, Demang Distrik Parungkujang sekaligus menantu Bupati Lebak, diusulkan untuk ditahan. Dekker juga meminta pemerintah menahan semua orang, termasuk keluarga Natanagara, jika mereka diketahui menghalangi jalannya penyelidikan. Dekker meminta kasus Carolus diselidiki dan laporan atasnya disusun selengkap-lengkapnya.
Siapakah C.E.P. Carolus yang dalam roman Max Havelaar diwakili oleh karakter Slotering itu? Moechtar dalam buku yang sama mengemukakan bahwa Carolus digambarkan sebagai orang yang unik. Ia dapat berbicara dalam bahasa Sunda dialek Banten laiknya penutur asli. Istrinya pribumi yang tak bisa berbahasa Belanda. Kemampuannya berbahasa lokal membuatnya dekat dengan warga Lebak dan warga pun merasa nyaman melaporkan tindakan Bupati yang merugikan rakyat.
Ada versi lain mengenai kematian Carolus. E. du Perron dalam bukunya De Man van Lebak menulis bahwa sebenarnya Carolus telah lama mengidap sakit lever kronis dan pernah dirawat oleh dr Benzen dari Serang. Beberapa bulan sebelum Dekker datang menggantikannya, sakit Carolus bertambah parah. Benzen lantas menganjurkan agar Carolus dirawat di rumah sakit militer di Serang. Pada hari terakhir sebelum ajal datang menjemput, ia dibawa ke Serang dengan menggunakan kereta kuda yang dipacu kencang. Tubuh lemah Carolus semakin parah karena terguncang-guncang dalam perjalanan. Ia wafat tiga jam setelah tiba di rumah sakit.
Cerita orang diracun bukan pertama kali terjadi di Rangkasbitung. Syahdan tersebutlah Muller de Montigny, Asisten Residen Lebak yang bertugas di Rangkasbitung pada 1906-1908. Montigny dipecat karena dianggap tak bisa menjaga relasi baik dengan rekan sekerjanya. Berdasarkan laporan rahasia Residen Banten Overduyn tanggal 7 November 1907 Nomor 234/g kepada Direktur Departemen van Bineland Bestuur (Departemen Dalam Negeri) yang ditembuskan ke Gubernur Jenderal Hindia Belanda di Batavia, disebutkan Muller de Montigny melakukan tindakan tak terpuji karena setiap hari memerintahkan bawahannya membawa perempuan untuk ditiduri.
Selain dituduh memelihara gundik dan terlibat dalam skandal seksual, Montigny dituduh terlibat dalam peristiwa peracunan seorang pejabat pribumi. Montigny menyangkal tuduhan itu dan balik menuduh ada konspirasi yang dirancang oleh Bupati Serang untuk meracun dirinya. Belakangan hari terbukti bahwa racun yang disebut-sebut oleh Montigny hanyalah obat penyubur jenggot.
Seperti Montigny, Residen Banten Brest van Kempen terlibat skandal perempuan. Berdasarkan cerita dari S. Hasselman-mantan Asisten Residen Pandeglang sebelum Dekker bertugas di Lebak-diketahui bahwa Bupati Lebak selalu mencarikan perempuan cantik untuk Kempen. Agaknya itulah yang membuatnya tak tertarik pada laporan Dekker tentang pelanggaran sang Bupati. Kempen punya kepentingan menjaga kasus itu agar tak melebar karena Bupati memegang kartu truf dirinya.
Dekker akhirnya dimutasi ke Ngawi, Jawa Timur, dengan pangkat lebih rendah. Ia menolak pemindahan itu dan mengajukan berhenti pada 29 Maret 1856 atau dua pekan setelah ia merayakan ulang tahunnya ke-36. Permohonan pensiun dini baru dikabulkan pada 4 April 1856. Setahun kemudian, Dekker kembali ke Eropa mencari pekerjaan yang tak pernah ia temukan. Dekker kemudian menyewa sebuah kamar hotel di Brussel, Belgia, tempat ia menulis roman Max Havelaar selama tiga minggu saja (17 September-3 November 1859).
Semua kejengkelannya di Lebak ia tumpahkan dalam roman tersebut. Besar kemungkinan kabar mengenai penderitaan rakyat Lebak secara lengkap ia ketahui dari laporan Carolus. Sementara itu, konfrontasi yang terjadi antara dirinya dan Bupati menurut hemat saya pertama-tama bukan karena cara Bupati mengeksploitasi rakyat Lebak, melainkan lebih karena perasaan esprit de corps yang muncul saat mendengar kabar peracunan terhadap Carolus. Dari laporan yang disusun Carolus pula Dekker bisa tahu lebih lengkap tentang kekurangcakapan Bupati Lebak menjalankan pemerintahan sehingga rakyatnya sengsara.
Ketika menulis Max Havelaar, Dekker sudah lebih berjarak dengan peristiwa Lebak, yang terjadi tiga tahun sebelumnya. Tampaknya jarak itulah yang membuat ia lebih mampu melihat peristiwa Lebak sebagai bagian kecil dari dampak kolonialisme yang lebih luas lagi. Dalam Max Havelaar ia pun tak hanya menggugat Bupati Karta Natanagara, tapi lebih jauh lagi ia menggugat kolonialisme yang dijalankan oleh bangsa terhadap rakyat di Hindia Belanda.
Penting juga digarisbawahi peran C.E.P. Carolus dalam mengungkap pelanggaran yang dilakukan Bupati Karta Natanagara. Carolus adalah orang yang pertama kali menyelidiki pelanggaran itu untuk kemudian dilanjutkan Dekker ketika Carolus meninggal. Max Havelaar yang ditulis Dekker bak bola salju yang menggelinding-membawa perubahan di Hindia Belanda dan memberi inspirasi banyak tokoh nasionalis dalam perjuangan membangun nation-state Indonesia.

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“Mijn Vriend SUKARNO” – Willem Oltmans

IBRAHIM ISA – Berbagi Cerita
Senin, 26 April 2010
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“Mijn Vriend SUKARNO” - Willem Oltmans


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“MIJN VRIEND SUKARNO”, dalam bahasa Indonesia “SAHABATKU SUKARNO”, adalah buku yang ditulis oleh wartawan kawakan Belanda, Willem Oltmans (10 Juni 1925 – 30 September 2004). Willem Oltmans telah menulis banyak buku. Yang terpenting antaranya adalah “MJJN VRIEND SUKARNO” (1995, Penerbit Het Spectrum BV, Utrecht). Supaya jangan salah faham, tulisan ini bukan sebuah 'pembicaraan i s i buku'. Tujuan utama penulisan ialah sebagai tambahan untuk 'mengenal' Bung Karno, melalui 'cerita' yang dituturkan oleh Willem Otlmans.

Suatu hal yang mutlak bila hendak 'mengenal Bung Karno', jalan terbaik adalah dengan teliti membaca buku beliau “DI BAWAH BENDERA REVOLUSI”, Jilid I dan II; Kemudian dua jilid buku penting adalah: 'REVOLUSI BELUM SELESAI, Jilid I dan II. Sebuah Kumpulan 100 Pidato Presiden Soekarno ( 30 September 1965 – 13 Februari 1966). Penyunting: -- Budi Setiyono dan sejarawan muda Bonnie Triyana. Buku-buku tsb teramat penting! Karena di situ bisa dibaca tentang politik dan visi Bung Karno, mengenai Indonesia dan dunia. Juga tentang perkembangan politik sesudah 'G30S'; penjelasan berulang kali Presiden Sukarno bahwa 'Superemar' bukanlah 'penyerahan kekuasaan' kepada Jendral Suharto; dan bahwa Presiden Sukarno sampai akhir menentang dibubarkannya PKI.

Selain itu masih ada buku penting lainnya mengenai manusia langka, pemimpin besar bangsa Indonesia Sukarno, mengenai politik serta visinya. Buku itu berjudul SUKARNO AN AUTOBIOGRAPHY, As Told to Cindy Adams, 1965. Buku ini barangkali adalah yang terpenting untuk mengenal Bung Karno. Karena di situ Bung Karno bicara s e n d i r i mengenai dirinya; tentang Indonesia dan dunia internasional. Mengenai pengalaman dan apa yang dianggapnya sudah ia capai selama hidupnya berjuang untuk bangsa Indonesia.

Sebuah buku lagi ialah : “SOEKARNO, FOUNDING FATHER OF INDONESIA”, 2002, karya riset dan studi Prof. Dr Bob Hering. Penerbit KITLV, Leiden. Diluncurkan di KBRI Den Haag, wilayah Republik Indonesia, atas permintaan penulisnya sendiri.

* * *

Menyatakan 'mengenal', apalagi 'tau' tentang politik dan visi Bung Karno, tanpa membaca dan mempelajari dengan seksama buku-buku tsb, --- sama saja dengan 'cakap-cakap angin'. 'Cakap angin' seperti itu tak usah diperlakukan serius.

Di luar buku-buku tsb, masih ada banyak sekali buku dan tulisan mengenai Bung Karno.

Antara lain oleh pakar/penulis Belanda, Lambert Giebels, berjudul: SOEKARNO Nederlandsch Onderdaan – Een biografie 1901 – 1950. Buku Giebels yang kedua ialah “SOEKARNO PRESIDENT, Een biografie 1950-1970.

Satu buku lagi yang ditulis oleh pakar Australia J.D Legge, berjudul SOEKARNO A Political Biography”.

Barangkali masih perlu disebut satu buku lagi tentang Bung Karno.Yaitu yang ditulis oleh seorang pakar Jerman, Bernhard Dahm, berjudul “SUKARNO'S KAMPF UM INDONESIENS UNABHANGIGKEIT”, Kiel, 1964.

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Dari sekian banyak pakar, penulis atau wartawan yang pernah menulis tentang Bung Karno, --- bisa dikatakan, wartawan asing, yang terdekat dengan pribadi Bung Karno, a.l. adalah wartawan Amerika CINDY ADAMS dan wartawan kawakan Belanda WILLEM OLTMANTS. Cindy Adams adalah wartawan yang menuliskan otobiografi Bung Karno, menurut apa yang diucap oleh Bung Karno dengan kata-katanya sendiri. Sedangkan Willem Oltmans adalah wartawan Belanda yang karena kedekatannya dan dukungannya kepada Presiden Sukarno, pemimpin bangsa dan perjuangan rakyat Indonesia untuk membebaskan Irian Barat, -- telah di -'persona-non-gratakan' dan diisolasi sedemikain rupa, praktis membikin Oltmans tidak bisa lagi melakukan profesinya sebagai wartawan Belanda. Sehingga Oltmans harus hidup bertahun-tahun lamanya dari tunjangan.

Perlakuan yang demikian kejamnya oleh pemerintah Belanda ketika itu berlangsung selama 47 tahun. Hanyalah di periode pemerintah PM Lubbers, Willem Otlmans bisa mengadjukan tuntutan terhadap pemerintah Belanda periode Luns, di muka pengadilan Belanda. Setelah 47 tahun diisolasi dan menjadi 'pariah', melalui proses hukum di pengadilan akhirnya Oltmans menang. Pemerintah Belanda disalahkan. Oltmans 'direhabilitasi' dan negara harus membayar ganti rugi kepada Willem Oltmans sebanyak 8 juta gulden.

Bisa dipastikan bahwa memang Willem Oltmans adalah orang Belanda yang paling akrab dengan Presiden Sukarno. Hanya Willem Oltmans yang oleh Presiden Sukarno pernah diberi sebuah foto-pribadi beliau. Lagipula dengan tulisan tangan dan ditandatangi dibawahnya oleh Presiden Sukarno sendiri. Berikut ini tertulis dalam tulisan Bung Karno sendiri di bawah fotonya itu:

“VOOR WIM OLTMANS MET MIJN BESTE DANK. SOEKARNO', 4/9 – 1957.

'Persahabatan' antara Bung Karno dengan Willem Oltmans, memang punya sejarah jauh ke belakang. Jelas pula BERLATAR BELAKANG POLITIK. Yaitu politik sikap peduli dan simpati serta menyokong perjuangan rakyat Indonesia di bawah Presiden Sukarno membebaskan Irian Barat dari kekuasaan kolonialisme Belanda.
Oltmans juga amat mengagumi Bung Kano sebagai pemimpin bangsa Indonesia, yang telah memperuntukkan seluruh hidup dan jiwa raganya, demi kepentingan nasion Indonesia.

Berbeda dengan Cindy Adam, wartawan Amerika yang menuliskan otobiografi Bung Karno dari ucapan kata-kata Bung Kanro sendiri --- Willem Oltmans berhasil menjalin hubungan pribadi yang sedemikian eratnya itu. Memang, Willem Oltmans mengenal Bung Karno sejak tahun 1956. Cindy Adams baru belakangan.

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Perkenalan Willem Oltmans dengan Presiden Sukarno, sebenarnya, termasuk 'kebetulan'. Ketika itu, 1956, Presiden Sukarno sedang berkunjung ke Roma, Itali. Willem Oltmans, pas sedang bertugas di Roma. Sebagai wartawan s.k. Belanda De Telegraaf.

Suasana hubungan politik Indonesia-Belanda sedang tegang.  Bahkan berkembang menjadi 'panas'. Karena Belanda ngotot berkeras-kepala hendak mempertahankan Irian Barat di bawah kekuasaan Den Haag. Sedangkan bangsa kita di bawah pimpinan Presiden Sukarno sedang dengan gencar-gencarnya meningkatkan perjuangan pembebasan Irian Barat. Baik dibidang politik maupun di bidang militer. Karena Belanda sudah mulai memperbesar kekuatan marine dan angkatan lautnya di Irian Barat (Nieuw Guinea, ketika itu).

Mengantisipasi bahwa Willem Oltmans akan berusaha menemui Presiden Sukarno, pemimpian redaksi s.k. 'De Telegraaf', yaitu bosnya Willem Oltmans – J.J. Stokvis – tegas melarang Willem Oltmans menemui Presiden Sukarno. Oltmans tidak peduli larangan majikannya itu dan tokh berusaha dan berhasil menemui Presiden Sukarno di Roma. Serta-merta Willem Oltmans dipecat dari s.k. 'De Telegraaf'.

Willem Oltmans punya pendirian yang samasekali bertentangan dengan politik Den Haag sehubungan dengan Indonesia. Oltmans terang-terangan melawan politik Menlu Belanda ketika itu, J. Luns. “Keberanian” Willem Oltmans yang terang-terangan menentang politik pemerintah Belanda bersangkutan dengan Indonesia, menyebabkan Willem Oltmans seumur hidup diperlakukan  sebagai 'persona non grata' oleh pemerintah Belanda.

Tahun 1956 itu Willem Oltmans berkunjung ke Indonesia, dan menjadi sahabat pribadi Presiden Sukarno. Dari Indonesia Oltmans berseru kepada pemerintah Belanda agar segera menghentikan politik kolonialnya terhadap Indonesia menyangkut kasus Irian Barat.

Akibat kontan dari sikap Oltmans ini, tulisan-tulisannya yang memberikan gambaran lebih obyektif tentang rakyat Indonesia dan perjuangannya, ditolak s.k. 'de Nieuwe Rotterdamse  Courant'. Sebelumnya tulisan Oltmans biasa dimuat oleh  s.k. 'de Nieuwe Rotterdamse Courant'. Tetapi setelah ia dipersona nongratakan oleh pemerintah Belanda, praktis tak ada media Belanda yang bersedia memuat tulisan Oltmans. Wartawan Willem Oltmans diboikot total oleh media Belanda. Kementerian Luarnegeri Belanda mengirimkan instruksi ke segenap perwakilannya untuk melaksanakan pemboikotan dan pengkucilan terhadap Willem Oltmans.

Sepuluh tahun lamanya, wartawan Belanda,  mengikuti Presiden Sukarno dari dekat. Oltmans menyertai Presiden dalam kunjungan beliau ke daerah-daerah maupun ke luar negeri. Antara lain ke Washington dan New York.

SEJAUH MANA “DEMOKRASI”

Kolom IBRAHIM ISA
Sabtu, 24 April 2010
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SEJAUH MANA “DEMOKRASI”
Yang Bung YUSRIL PERJUANGKAN?

Sungguh menarik! Juga signifikan pernyataan mantan Menteri Menkumdang Yusril Izha Mahendra di Medan kemarin, 23 April 2010. Begini beliau nyatakan: “Dari seluruh pelaksanaan Pemilihan Umum (Pemilu) di Indonesia, hanya terdapat dua Pemilu yang berlangsung dengan baik. Yakni Pemilu tahun 1955 dan tahun 1999”. Pemilu terakhir tahun 2009 lalu dinilai sebagai Pemilu terburuk dari sisi pelaksanaannya.

“Pemilu Terbaik di Indonesia Tahun 1955 dan 1999”. Begitu disimpulkan Yusriln Ihza Mahendra..

Kepedulian dengan perkembangan 'demokrasi' di negeri kita, adalah sesuatu yang patut dihargai. Apalagi bila sikap tsb datang dari seorang tokoh parpol Muslim seperti Yusril Ihza Mahendra, Ketua Majlis Syuro Partai Bulan Bintang (PBB).

Kita masih ingat suara sumbang bersangkutan dengan hak-hak demokrasi yang datang dari tokoh partai Islam lainnya, Hamzah Haz. Ketika itu dr Ciptaning, salah seorang kader muda PDI-P, dewasa ini anggota DPR dan salah seorang Ketua PDI-P, meluncurkan bukunya berjudul “AKU BANGGA JADI ANAK PKI”. Wapres periode itu, Hamzah Haz, ketua PPP, menuntut agar buku dr Ciptaning itu dilarang. Tidak boleh terbit. Hamzah Haz mengingatkan pada ketetapan MPRS yang sudah dibongkar-pasang oleh Suharto. Yaitu Tap MPRS No XXV, 1966, yang melarang Marxisme/Leninisme dan PKI. Kita juga ingat pernyataan tokoh besar dan kiayi Islam Abdurrahman Wahid, bahwa Tap MPRS No XXV, Th 1966 itu bertentangan dengan UUD RI, bertentangan dengan hak-hak demokrasi.

Suatu ketika, Menteri Menkumdang dalam kebinet Gus Dur, Yusril dikirim Presiden Abdurrahman Wahid ke Den Haag, Holland, a.l untuk melaksanakan Instruksi Presiden No.1 Tahun 2001. Instruksi Presiden tsb adalah dalam rangka pelaksanaan 'politik rekonsialiasi' Presiden Wahid. Dalam hal ini menyangkut ratusan warganegara RI yang oleh Presiden Wahid disebut 'orang-orang yang terhalang pulang”. Mereka-mereka itu paspornya telah dicabut penguasa dengan sewenang-wenang. Padahal mereka adalah warganegara yang setia kepada Presiden Sukarno. Perlakuan sesewenang-wenang tsb dilakukan atas tuduhan 'terlibat dengan G30S'. Alasan sesungguhnya ialah karena mereka-mereka itu menolak mengutuk Presiden Sukarno yang dituduh terlibat, bahkan dituduh sebagai 'dalang' G30S. Parahnya ialah, pada saat penguasa Jendral Suharto bertindak demikian itu, Ir Sukarno formalnya masih menjabat sebagai Presiden Republik Indonesia. Sungguh ironis: Presiden Sukarno dituduh dalang G30S, yang dikatakan melakukan kudeta terhadap Presiden Republik Indonesia. Apa hendak dikata. Seluruh pendukung Orba, termasuk yang sekarang ini berkuasa, menerima absurditas dan kebohongan penguasa ketika itu.

* * *

Tahun 2001 itu Menteri Menkumdang Yusril Izha Mahendra mengadakan pertemuan dengan ratusan 'orang-orang yang terhalang pulang' tsb. Kebetulan penulis ini juga hadir di situ. Diggunakan kesempatan itu untuk mengajukan tuntutan agar Tap MPRS No. XXV/1966 segera dicabut. Reaksi Yusril: Itu ketetapan MPRS, maka hal itu adalah urusan MPRS. Yusril menyatakan bahwa ia tak berwewenang.

Namun, Yusril merasa gembira dan bangga bisa melaksanakan Instruksi Presiden No. 1 Th 2001. Ia akan mengurus para warganegara yang paspornya dicabut dengan sewenang-wenang oleh Orba, agar bisa segera pulang kembali ke tanah air. Tanpa melalui macam-macam prosedur. Pokokny akan dipermudah. Yusril menyatakan bahwa Pemerintah Presiden Abdurrahman Wahid, punya 'political will' untuk mengurus masalah tsb. Tentu pernyataan tsb disambut dengan gembira.

Catat ini: Jiwa kebijaksanaan Instruksi Presiden No. 1 Th 2001, ialah 'REKONSILIASI'. Hakikatnya 'merehabilitasi' para warganegara yang telah diperlakukan tak adil, difitnah dan dituduh menyangkut Peristiwa 1965. Mereka-mereka itu diburukkan nama baiknya dan dijadikan orang 'kelayaban' sepanjang lebih dari 32 tahun Orba. Dalam periode itu Presiden Wahid secara khusus mengunjungi Pramudya Ananta Tur di rumahnya, seorang eks-tapol Pulau Buru. Wahid hendak mendemonstrasikan dan mensosialisasikan 'kebiajakan rekonsiliasi' dan 'kebijakan rehabilitasi'nya pada seluruh bangsa dan kepada dunia luar. Realita menunjukkan bahwa, meskipun REFORMASI sedang bergelora, kekuatan anti-demokrasi di negeri kita masih unggul terbanding kekuatan pro-demokrasi.

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Celakanya Yusril mundur teratur, lupa pada janjinya akan melaksanakan Instruksi Presiden Wahid. Penyebabnya: Ramai-ramai yang ditimbulkan oleh parpol Islam – termasuk parpolnya sendiri PKB – dan golongan anti-demokratis lainnya. Mreka menuding Yusril akan membawa pulang 'orang-orang PKI'. Sampai jatuhnya pemerintah Wahid Instruksi Presiden No. 1 itu t i d a k dikutik-kutik lagi. Di 'peti-eskan'. Termasuk dipeti-eskan oleh pemerintah Presiden Megawati yang menggantikan Presiden Wahid.

Episode dalam sejarah ini jangan sampai dilupakan. Bicra soal demokrasi, soal rehabilitasi dan rekonsiliasi tidaklah sukar. Tetapi melaksanakannya: ITU SOAL BESAR. Indonesia masih dikuasai oleh politisi-politisi, militer dan polisi, serta birokrasi yang samasekali tidak menghendaki demokrasi dilaksanakan dengan sungguh-sungguh.

Pemberlakuan Demokrasi berarti setiap warga Republik Indonesia, punya hak kebebasan berekspresi. Punya hak berorganisasi, berdemonstrasi, melakukan pemogokan. Punya hak mendirikan parpolnya sendiri menurut keyakinan masing-masing. Apakah itu keyakinan demokrasi parlementer, demokrasi terpimpin ataupun demokrasi religius menurut kepercayaan masing-masing. Apakah itu faham nasionalisme, faham Islamisme, ataupun faham Komunisme. Semuanya berhak untuk berfaham menurut keyakinan masing-masing.

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Yusril menyatakan bahwa pemilu 1955 adalah pemilu yang demokratis. Setuju dengan peranyataan ini. Satu catatan: Ketika itu semua parpol: yang menganut Nasionalisme, ya penganut Islamisme, penganut Kristianisme, ya penganut Komunisme, --- bisa melaksanakan hak azasi berparpol dan ambil bagian dalam pemilu. Demokrasi diperlakukan menurut undang-undang pemilu yang disahkan oleh DPR.

Maka boleh dinyatakan bahwa Pemilu 1955 adalah pemilu yang paling demokratis di sepanjang sejarah Republik Indonesia. Dan ini berlaku di bawah Presiden Sukarno, di bawah suatu pemerintahan yang sering dicibirkan sebagai pemerintah ORLA, Orde Lama.

Di periode Orba, demokrasi sepenuhnya dipasung! Yusril juga tidak mau menyebut satupun dari pemilu yang diadakan di zaman Orba sebagai pemilu yang demokratis.

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Menyatakan PEMILU 1999 sebagai salah satu pemilu yang demokratis di Indonesia adalah keliru. Samasekali keliru!

Karena pemilu tsb diadakan ketika TAP MPRS No XXV/1966, masih berlaku. Ketika salah satu parpol penting di Indonesia, Partai Komunis Indonesia, dengan sewenang-wenang, diluar kebijaksanaan Presiden Republik Indonesia Ir Sukarno ketika itu, dicabut hak eksistensinya dan hak ambil bagian dalam pemilu. Presiden Sukarno menentang dibubarkannya PKI oleh penguasa militer Jendral Suharto.

Pemilu 1999 berlangsung, juga ketika Partai Sosialis Indonesia (PSI), Masyumi dan Partai Murba telah dibubarkan oleh pemerintah. Tindakan pemerintah tsb dilakukan di luar prosedur dan proses hukum. Oleh karena itu bertentangan dengan prinsip-prinsip demokrasi.

Hanyalah bila larangan atas partai-partai tsb dicabut oleh pemerintah, dan mereka dibolehkan ambil bagian dalam pemilu, barulah bisa dikatakan bahwa pemilu yang demikian itu demokratis.

Maka diajukan pertanyaan tsb diatas:

SEJAUH MANA “DEMOKRASI”
Yang Bung YUSRIL PERJUANGKAN?

Kepedulian dan keterlibatan tokoh parpol Islam, Yusril Izha Mahendra pada pemberlakuan demokrasi, pasti disambut dengan lega oleh para penggiat demokrasi. Orang belum lupa bahwa Meneteri Menkumdang ketika itu Yusril Ihza Mahendra, sutau ketika menyancam akan keluar pemerintahan Presiden Abdurrahman Wahid, ketika Prsiden berniat untuk membatalkan, mencabut kembali Tap MPRS Th XXV/1966, yang jelas bertentangan dengan UUD RI dan HAM.

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Apakah Yusril masih mempertahankan Tap MPRS No. XXV/1966 yang anti-demokratis itu? Beliau sendiri yang bisa menjawabnya.

Membela dan memperjuangkan prinsip dan hak-hak demokrasi tidak mungkin dilakukan secara 'selektif'.

Itu namanya MUNAFIK!!

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IBRAHIM ISA'S FOCUS: On “KARTINI DAY”

IBRAHIM ISA'S FOCUS:
On “KARTINI DAY”, 21 APRIL 2010
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WOMEN'S RIGHTS IN INDONESIA
April 21, 2010 – Nurfika Osman & Ismira Lutfia
As Indonesia Celebrates Kartini Day, Observers Say Women’s Rights Lacking
If Indonesia were to be graded on its efforts to empower women and uphold their rights, it would score poorly, according to activists and academics.
The country today marks Kartini Day, which celebrates the Indonesian heroine who led the struggle for women’s equality. Indonesia’s efforts to empower women, however, have been hampered by the weak implementation of laws designed to accomplish that goal, and other pieces of legislation that are seen to infringe upon the rights of women.

Ida Rowaida, head of the gender studies department at the University of Indonesia, told the Jakarta Globe that Indonesia had made progress with the passage of the 2007 Law on Trafficking, the 2004 Law on Domestic Violence and a new law on gender equality, which is currently being drafted. She said the laws should serve as a legal reference to ensure that all government policies are gender sensitive.
“However, we have not seen the translation of these laws in the field,” she said.

Mariana Amiruddin, executive director of Jurnal Perempuan, a women’s rights magazine, said no significant achievements had resulted from these laws, as “many people do not even understand the definition of gender and women’s empowerment.”
There is a severe lack of awareness, Mariana said. In the case of trafficking, for example, “how can people implement the law when they do not understand what trafficking is? Government programs have not reached targets,” she said. “Ask people in villages that have many cases of trafficking. They do not know anything about it.”
The 2008 Anti-Pornography Law, recently upheld by the Constitutional Court, the existence of more than 150 discriminative bylaws that still have not been annulled despite repeated calls and the proposed law on marriage were cited as huge setbacks to women’s rights.

The wife of late former President Abdurrahman Wahid, Sinta Nuriyah, said legislation such as the Anti-Pornography Law “put barriers on women.”

Mariana criticized the government for its failure to annul 154 bylaws nationwide that are considered discriminatory, 64 of which discriminate against a woman’s right to freely express herself and women’s right to gainful employment.

“This is a reality in our society and this shows backwardness,” she said.

Ida said these discriminatory laws “are showing us how the state views women. The concept of gender and equality remains a big question mark. How can we implement a gender-sensitive budget and so on?” she said, referring to the State Ministry for Women’s Empowerment and Child Protection’s push for seven ministries to implement a gender-responsive budget system.

Kasmawati, the deputy for public institution empowerment at the ministry, acknowledged that women’s development in Indonesia was still far from satisfactory, based on the United Nations Development Program’s Gender Development Index. In a report released in March, Indonesia ranked 90th out of 156 countries in the index for 2009, down from the 80th position it held in 2007.

“We are still lagging behind and we still have to work hard to catch up because women are still marginalized even though there are laws [on women’s rights],” she said.
To address the issue of discriminatory laws, she said female lawmakers should be empowered by the political parties they represent. “The parties have to fully support them so women’s rights are upheld,” Kasmawati said.

She also applauded the House for having some male lawmakers who had good gender perspectives, but said that “we need more of them.”

Sinta and Ida said the prevailing culture was to blame for many of the problems. “Structural intervention such as in law is important, but cultural intervention such as education is more important,” Ida said. “There are people who see gender as a threat.”
Sinta said that barriers to proper implementation of the gender laws sometimes came from women themselves. “They relish their subordinance [to men].”
Maria Farida Indrati says women must lead the fight for their rights.
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Judging by Her Record, Maria Farida is Not Afraid to Stand Out
The no-nonsense, matter-of-fact qualities that impress most who met Maria Farida Indrati belie the warmth and friendliness underneath. Maria, 60, is not your stereotypical Javanese woman.

Not only is she the country’s first woman to sit on the Constitutional Court, she has also distinguished herself with dissenting opinions on three major verdicts ­— setting aside a number of seats in the legislature for women, the Anti-Pornography Law and on Monday the Blasphemy Law. To mark Kartini Day, Maria shares her views on how far the country’s women have made it with Jakarta Globe reporter Ulma Haryanto.

On gender equality and women empowerment:
I am still optimistic that Indonesian women can achieve progress, but this is largely dependent on the women themselves. I don’t like it if we, as women, want to progress but we always keep asking for things.

We have to show that we can succeed. The problem in Indonesia is education. Boys are still given preference over girls in getting education.

On the prevailing patriarchal culture:
Turning a rule or regulation upside down is easy, but that’s not so with cultural ideas such as not pursuing higher education because it would make it difficult to get a husband.
We have to bring an understanding to women that they have to have something to hold on to, not just their husband. Women should be empowered through education.

On whether there are enough legal means to protect women:

It is not about being sufficient or not, because the Constitution already offers protection to everyone, so there is no discrimination. But in its application it is something different, such as an employment regulation that does not allow someone to marry or have children.
On whether women need to get special rights?
Special rights can be requested but we should not be constantly nagging for it. For example, special health rights for pregnancy is okay, but don’t overdo it.

On the Marriage Law :

We should be careful on things that involve family, such as inheritance and marriage, because a law has to be applicable nationally. If we look at the Marriage Law, we have to look at religion, morality and custom, and these conditions can be very different in each case.

On her seat at the court:

I have personal conflicts in my job because I used to be a consultant for lawmakers and now I have the power to review the law. Now I am still giving advice, not directly but through my writings. I do not want to have any conflict of interest when a law involving by input has to undergo a judicial review at the Constitutional Court.

On her dissenting opinions:

We agree to disagree. At the Constitutional Court I can dissent or disagree with the others, and they will accept it. Nobody will try to persuade me.
On being the sole woman on the Constitutional Court:
Being a woman does not mean I am treated differently by the other judges. We have a great mix in the team, different cultural backgrounds and different experience and expertise.

On the reason for keeping her teaching job at the law faculty at University of Indonesia:
It’s a way to challenge myself .... If I don’t teach it would be tempting for me not read or not learn anything new.

On how she came to become a Constitutional Court judge:
Eight female rights organizations urged me to become a judge but I rejected their request because I like teaching. But then the president himself asked me. I thought it would be arrogant to deny his request.
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Indonesian Women’s Efforts to Protect Planet Overlooked
Saving the environment, as they say, starts in the home, and for some women even a small contribution can make a difference.
Ima, a 41-year-old working mother, for instance, has always taught her young children not to leave the faucet running or lights on around the house.
“Most of the time, I am very, very strict with my kids about saving water and saving electricity — not only to control expenses, but I want them to be grateful and appreciate what they have and others don’t,” she said.

“This is also my way of introducing lessons about nature and the environment to my kids, because you can’t really expect them to grasp the idea of saving the environment through sophisticated scientific jargon.”
Simple things, Ima said, not only contributed to present conservation efforts but also to ensuring the planet’s preservation for future generations.
“I believe that what we’re trying to do in our homes will eventually have an effect on saving the earth, no matter how little our actions are,” she said.

This week, as the country marks Earth Day today and Kartini Day on Wednesday, in honor of Indonesia’s first women’s rights advocate, environmental activists have been highlighting the crucial role women play in protecting Mother Earth.
Rotua Valentina Sagala, a campaigner for both women’s rights and the environment, said women were often undervalued when it came to environmental issues.

“Women’s role in protecting the environment is very significant, for the fact that, in Indonesia, lots of women are still living in rural areas where they are more in touch with nature. They usually also have more enthusiasm for environment-related issues, such as reforestation,” she said.
Women in rural areas, said Valentina, who is the founder of the Women’s Institute Foundation, were rich in local wisdom that placed women in the nurturing role of keeping the balance between human beings and nature.

“One of women’s special abilities is to detect early problems. Women have more sense for prevention rather than cure,” she said. “ But this has never been noticed by the government, even on an international level.”
Puspa Dewi, from the Women’s Solidarity organization, said women’s environmental roles had been marginalized in society, particularly in rural areas.

“Women-specific roles have been disappearing with advances in technology, especially for rural women, where one of their specific tasks was to sort and choose seeds,” she said.
“Their job was replaced by tools that are mostly operated by men, such as tractors.”
Puspa said the government’s preoccupation with quantified data meant that it had failed to address the growing gender inequality in society.

“For instance, the government only looks at how much land or agriculture has been changed into sites for mining, causing women to lose their jobs or, additionally, maybe leaving them to face abuse from their husbands because they are stressed from losing their jobs as farmers,” she said.

“This is not to mention health issues because of these changes. These are the indicators and results of environmental destruction, but this is never taken into account,” she added, saying that many women still faced difficulties speaking up on these issues.
Puspa said gender sensitivity was needed at the policy-making level. “It means that all of our policies should also need to measure how it impacts on women’s roles and their livelihood sources,” she said.
“We are not talking about having a 50-50 share on places in government anymore.”

Meanwhile, Valentina criticized the State Ministry for Women’s Empowerment and Child Protection for failing to promote women’s interests in environmental issues.
“There was a movement by Ani Yudhoyono to plant one million trees, but unfortunately it just turned out to be a ceremonial activity,” she said, referring to the first lady. “Women’s issues, instead, should have been integrated into strategic environmental planning, starting from the planning stage to implementation, until evaluation. Women should even be involved in discussions at the international level.

“Through gender mainstreaming in this process, we will only then know where women stand in these areas.”
Valentina said the government should be more proactive in recruiting women to help solve lingering development problems, including environmental issues.
“On the domestic front, there was a presidential instruction in 2000 to promote gender mainstreaming in national development, which should be used to reinforce women’s involvement in environmental issues,” she said.
But she added that women’s roles should not be differentiated between domestic and global interests. “What those women do in their homes, starting with saving electricity or water, is actually to save this planet. There’s a strong connection between so-called domestic chores and global interests,” she said.

“But again, leaders and politicians fail to acknowledge these simple actions on climate change that are mostly done by women, while they continue to pronounce loudly that saving the earth should start in the home.”
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Saskia Eleonora Wieringa:
Debunking myths on Indonesian women’s movements
The Jakarta Post   |  Wed, 04/21/2010 3:59 PM  |  People
Dian Kuswandini
Little Saskia Eleonora Wieringa felt tortured every time her parents asked her to dress up like a girl.
“I’ve always been a bit of a tomboy,” recalled the 60-year-old professor from the University of Amsterdam. “My parents were angry at me. They wanted me to dress up like a girl.”
So, Wieringa’s rejection of gender stereotypes started at an early age.
“The culture in the Netherlands was so patriarchal back then. It was torturing me,” she confessed. “Women were taught to be housewives. I couldn’t agree with that. I didn’t want to be a housewife.
“I wanted equality; I wanted freedom,” she added.
Wieringa then found her freedom during her university years in the mid 1970s, when she occupied herself with women issues. At that time, she founded several women’s organizations and published journals highlighting women issues.
Her interest in women issues led her to visit Indonesia in 1977. At the time, her goal was only to complete her academic research on women batik workers in Surakarta, Central Java. The supposedly short-visit, however, became a lifetime attachment for her, as Wieringa spent years doing research on the outlawed Gerwani (the Indonesian Women’s Movement).
“At first, when I started my research on the women batik workers, I found out these workers lived in very poor conditions,” Wieringa said during her recent visit to Jakarta for the Festival April event. “At that time, I thought I should share this problem with local women groups.
“I met with women groups like Dharma Wanita, Dharma Pertiwi and PKK [Family Empowerment and Welfare Movement], but I was very surprised to learn that these groups only carried out activities like cooking and costume shows – things that looked silly to me.”
Wieringa had her own reason to feel surprised. Back in the Netherlands, she said, she had heard about a very influential wo-men’s movement from Indonesia, called Gerwani. Gerwani members, she said, were known to be smart and prominent in defending women’s and workers’ rights at many international forums.
“So, at that time, I was wondering, what has happened to Gerwani? Where are its members?” she said. “I asked many locals about Gerwani, and their responses were: ‘Ooow, yes we know Gerwani – they were all prostitutes.’”
The responses surprised Wieringa, because she had heard that Gerwani was a socialist movement, and that socialism was against prostitution. In addition to that, she understood that Gerwani was totally against polygamy, making her believe that the rumor that Gerwani’s members were involved in sex parties must be nothing but slander.
“I sensed something wrong was going on and that was how I started to find more information on Gerwani for my research,” said Wieringa of the movement banned by former president Soeharto following the alleged 1965 coup attempt by the subsequently outlawed Indonesian Communist Party (PKI). In the tragic events that followed, six military generals and an officer was killed, and Gerwani – said to be an affiliate of the PKI – was deemed responsible for torturing them to death.
But the more Wieringa studied Gerwani and the accusations made against it, the more she had questions dancing in her mind.
“There’s no way girls aged 13 to15 would mutilate the private parts of those 60-year-old something generals,” she said. “It’s illogical. Where would those very young girls get such an idea from?”
Such thoughts led her to dig deeper into countless documents to satisfy her curiosity. Luckily for Wieringa, she found a very important document, containing autopsy reports on the generals. The reports, part of scholar Benedict Anderson’s papers, clearly stated that there was no trace of razors and penknives on the generals’ bodies, and that their genitals were intact.
“So, those stories about Gerwani were all fabricated by Soeharto. Those women never tortured the generals and didn’t cut off their genitals,” Wieringa lamented.
Forensic evidence also confirmed Wieringa’s previous interviews with some Gerwani members she met in the early 1980s. Under the highly traumatic conditions following their arrest by Soeharto’s people, these women maintained that they were not involved in the massacre.
“At that time, I found many of them were in a traumatic state after surviving Soeharto’s cruelty,” said Wieringa, who co-founded the Kartini Asia Network. Following Soeharto’s banning of Gerwani, she went on, thousands of its members were murdered, while many others were held in prison – tortured and sexually abused.
“It was difficult to talk to Gerwani members at that time,” said Wieringa, who was once banned by Soeharto from entering Indonesia. “There were military officers who were always keeping their eyes on them.
“I secretly and carefully carried out my research because we [my sources and I] were in danger,” she added.
Being trapped in such a dangerous situation also forced her to halt her research. It took years before she could return to Indonesia to continue and crosscheck her research in 1995.At that time, although she managed to complete the research for her dissertation under the title The Aborted Women’s Movement in Indonesia, she needed to hide many identities of her sources for safety reasons.
However, the research, which was later published in the form of a book, has been regarded as the most influential work on the Indonesian women’s movement and inspired many Indonesian feminists and right activists.
Now, 30 years after she first deconstructed the myths about Gerwani, Wieringa took the chance to launch the revised version of her book, entitled Penghancuran Gerakan Perempuan: Politik Seksual di Indonesia Pasca Kejatuhan PKI (The Destruction of the Women’s Movement: Sexual Politics in Indonesia after the Downfall of the Indonesian Communist Party).
“It took me a long time to publish this [revised version of my] book because my research was considered dangerous and I was blacklisted [by Soeharto],” she said. “I had to hide many facts in the previous version, but here [in the revised one], I revealed everything.”
Although she finally had the chance to share her research with the Indonesian public, who has lived with Soeharto’s lies about Gerwani for years, Wieringa said she wouldn’t stop working on women issues in the country.
“I’ve become so attached to Indonesia and these Gerwani women,” Wieringa said, referring to a number of older women, who attended her book launching that day. “I just couldn’t come taking facts from them and [then simply] say good bye. I don’t want to leave them.”
That was why, Wieringa went on, she was planning to spend the rest of her life in Indonesia.
“My plan is to move to Indonesia after retiring from teaching at the University of Amsterdam,” she smiled. “I’m also a mualaf [a convert to Islam] now. So I feel that Indonesia would be a perfect place for me to spend the rest of my life.”

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