With
popular Jakarta Governor Joko “Jokowi” Widodo entering the
country’s highest political contest, Indonesia has proceeded
through a new era of populism amid the half-hearted
transition from the New Order toward the consolidation of
democracy.
Since there has basically never been a genuine break in
terms of ideology and political structure since the 1998
Reformasi (Reformation), not surprisingly, many patterns of
political leadership and actions have been both retained and
renewed, shaping a curious mixture of old and new
characteristics.
Nowhere has this been more obvious than with the
contradiction between two populist leaders now competing to
lead the nation: Jokowi and Prabowo Subianto.
The 2014 elections — some of the biggest in the world, with
180 million eligible voters for some 20,000 regional and
national representatives — could, for better or worse, be
the promise of a break with the recent past. A promise —
that could either be fulfilled or broken.
The time has passed when those with celebrated roles during
the independence struggle were destined to rule the state
and guide the nation.
With it, patterns of rule and leadership, with which the
ruling elite kept their domination by dynamic interaction
between state and political parties’ mass mobilization, have
gone.
The time has also passed for the system that replaced it,
which came through mass violence, and went on with threats
justified by ideological hegemony and was maintained by
repressive stability and economic development.
Today, a transition toward decentralization and growing
markets in the regions have resulted in new patterns.
Political leaders and legislators now depend on resources
from political and business sectors, and hence they are no
longer only controlled by party bosses.
The pendulum has thus swung to local and national groups of
wealthy capitalists and oligarchs, the residue of generals
from a foregone era, and ambitious nationalist and
religion-based political leaders dominating the contest for
the state and presidency.
But they all built their resources during the decade of a
president, the first in history, who acquired full, if
formal, legitimacy for having been directly elected for two
consecutive periods, yet has largely failed to use it to
better the prospects of the nation.
True, there has been impressive economic growth and
political stability. But the last decade also demonstrated
an intensely felt time of crisis as a result of the
ubiquitous corruption, rising sectarianism, indecisive
leadership and apparent decline of national cohesiveness.
Even democracy was blamed when things were running wild.
All in all, it has resulted in what is increasingly seen —
rightly or wrongly — as the need of strong state leadership,
clean political leaders and a sort of national re-awakening.
Both Jokowi and in particular Prabowo have made a lot out of
this. Both — aged 52 and 62 respectively — grew up during
the New Order era, but learned different lessons, and
effectively took quite different fruit from it.
The owner of a local furniture business, Jokowi entered
bureaucracy as he was elected to lead a medium-sized city
and became popular as he took his job seriously and
succeeded in gaining public faith.
As in Surakarta, in Jakarta he has come to be seen as “one
of us” by men and women on the streets.
Many may be skeptical of his capability to lead the nation
since the urban problems he faced will
not provide him with the best framework with which to lead
the nation, but his supporters and others have welcomed this
precisely as a great challenge for a new leader in new era.
Jokowi comes from a simple family, not from a “who’s who” of
public figures. Little, if any, public concern has been
expressed about him simply because he is known as being
clean of corruption. Above all, he is clean of human rights
violations, of which the New Order has been most notorious.
In almost all of these respects, Prabowo has been the exact
opposite of Jokowi. A former military leader turned
politician who was brought up abroad, versus a homegrown
local merchant turned bureaucrat-cum-politician.
Prabowo has never been active in public service other than
the military, nor has he ever been elected to any political
office. He comes from a well-known aristocratic family — the
grandson of a hero and proud son of a renowned economist,
once involved in a regional rebellion.
A former general, the only general ever sacked by the corps
in the nation’s history, and former son-in-law of the late
president Soeharto, he has been politically raised from the
very heart of the New Order.
Thus, Prabowo could not have known what it’s like to live a
simple life, build a career from the bottom up and be
elected for public office — just as Jokowi could hardly
imagine what it’s like to be a privileged son and a
notorious general allegedly involved in war crimes in Aceh
and East Timor.
Jokowi is a native son loyal to his homeland in the way
Prabowo never was, as the latter once sought a year-long
refuge abroad in self-exile in Jordan.
Jokowi played by the rules of the game, while Prabowo
repeatedly and proudly expressed regret for not having
attempted a coup d’état when Soeharto resigned. Witnesses,
however, said he did attempt it, but failed.
Prabowo never indicated any interest in finding activists
who went missing between 1997-1998, for which he was
responsible, while Jokowi seems curious about the fate of
the missing poet Wiji Thukul and his friends.
If Jokowi has grown popular as a modest but successful
bureaucrat, Prabowo has become a wealthy and successful
patron of his political party. One grew from the bottom of
society, the other from the very heart of state power.
These differences are significant and have historical
parallels. Like the first and fourth presidents, Sukarno and
Abdurrahman Wahid, Jokowi is a product of the dynamic of his
time and the grassroots community that he comes from.
Prabowo, like Soeharto, almost exclusively spent his life
and career within the military apparatus and derived his
drive and spirit from it. Indeed his party captains have
publicly expressed sympathy with Soeharto‘s rule.
This is not just a matter of person and personality. It is
Indonesia’s recent history that made them what they are.
Moreover, the legacy of the New Order and President Susilo
Bambang Yudhoyono’s administration has shaped conditions in
which Jokowi’s and Prabowo’s populist drive could grow.
Jokowi’s background and journey may be a sign of a new era —
just as Prabowo’s resemble a recent past. One may represent
hope while the other represents fear, or a dubious mix of
both.
The writer is a journalist living in the Netherlands.
Labor
unions join forces
to support Jokowi’s candidacy
The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | National |
Thu, March 27 2014, 11:04 PM
Two leading labor unions – the Confederation of Indonesian
Prosperity Labor Union (KSBSI) and the Confederation of
All-Indonesian Workers Union (KSPSI) –- on Thursday
announced their full support for the presidential bid of
Jakarta Governor Joko “Jokowi” Widodo.
“We, the two leading worker unions, declare our support to
Jokowi as a president. Jokowi will be able to show his
extraordinary performance to fight for workers rights in the
future,” said KSPSI president Andi Ghani in a declaration
event in Matraman, East Jakarta, on Thursday, as quoted by
kompas.com.
Andi went on to say that during his leadership of the
capital, Jokowi had shown he supported workers rights. For
example, he increased the provincial minimum wage by 40
percent in 2012. The wage hike, he said, had become a
barometer for other regions.
Andi dared to predict that the joint declaration of the two
worker unions, which have 21 unions nationwide under their
umbrella, meant Jokowi would win the 2014 presidential
election.
“We have calculated that there will be around 7 to 8
million labor votes for Jokowi. We are sure that Jokowi will
win in only one round,” said Andi.
Nevertheless, the unions said, they would keep monitoring
Jokowi’s work performance, especially regarding workers
rights.
“We do not just support him but also will criticize him if
during his leadership as president, he lacks attention to
workers rights,” said KSBSI president Mudhofir.
Declarations of worker support for Jokowi are also planned
for Banjarmasin, Batam, Cilegon, Lampung Medan, and other
cities. (idb/ebf)
Moeldoko
not sure he would
accept VP offer
Dicky Christanto, The Jakarta Post,
Jakarta | National | Thu, March 27 2014, 9:27 PM
Indonesian Military Commander Gen. Moeldoko has indicated
uncertainty as to whether he would become Joko "Jokowi"
Widodo's running mate should he be offered a spot on the
presidential ticket.
Moeldoko's name was recently included as one of seven put
forth as contenders by senior Indonesian Democratic Party of
Struggle (PDI-P) member Maruarar Sirait.
“If I were to refuse the offer then everybody would call me
arrogant but if I said yes, well the fact is that I am still
carrying out my duty as the military commander. Therefore, I
would focus my energy on the latter right now,” Moeldoko
told
The Jakarta Post on Thursday.
When asked whether his answer would remain the same if he
were asked few months from now, Moeldoko insisted that his
only desire would be to continue leading the military.
Moeldoko’s name has been mentioned along with former army
chief of staff Gen. (ret) Ryamizard Ryacudu and former army
educational and training commander Gen. (ret) Luhut
Panjaitan as military men being considered by PDI-P to run
as Jokowi’s VP candidate.
Besides these military figures, other names like former
Constitutional Court chief justice Mahfud MD, Corruption
Eradication Commission (KPK) chairman Abraham Samad and
former VP Jusuf Kalla are also being considered.
Prabowo Subianto (C), the
presidential candidate for the Great Indonesia Movement
(Gerindra), waves from a jeep to supporters as he
campaigns ahead of the legislative elections in Jakarta on
March 23, 2014. (AFP Photo/Adek Berry)
Jakarta. The Great Indonesia Movement
Party (Gerindra) has said a coalition with its one-time ally
and now biggest rival, the Indonesian Democratic Party of
Struggle (PDI-P) is still possible, despite escalating
political tension and obvious competition.
Gerindra chairman Suhardi said on Monday that the party was
still open to a coalition with any political party,
including with the PDI-P.
“The most important thing is whether or not the party will
be able to respect our party’s platform,” Suhardi said when
asked by journalists whether Gerindra had completely ruled
out the possibility of forming a coalition with the PDI-P.
Speculation about a falling-out between the two parties was
sparked after the PDI-P officially named the wildly popular
Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo as the party’s presidential
candidate.
Gerindra’s founder and presidential hopeful, Prabowo
Subianto, accused PDI-P chairwoman Megawati Sukarnoputri of
violating a 2009 political agreement — dubbed the
Batu
Tulis Pact — under which the PDI-P pledged support
for Prabowo’s presidential bid in 2014.
Megawati and Prabowo previously ran a losing campaign
together in the 2009 presidential election. Later, in 2012,
they linked up again, as their two parties formed a
coalition that helped Joko secure the Jakarta governorship —
a move many believed foreshadowed another political
partnership for the 2014 presidential race.
The political ties between Prabowo and Megawati soured soon
after, however, after Megawati expressed anger with him for
supposedly taking credit for Joko’s victory in the capital.
The PDI-P’s decision to nominate Joko is a profound blow to
Prabowo’s campaign to win the presidency, which various
polls showed was the most likely outcome if he ran in a
field that did not include the fiercely popular Jakarta
governor.
During Gerindra’s campaign rally in Jakarta on Sunday,
Prabowo read a poem about how a liar should not be chosen as
a leader. The poem also mentioned a leader who was
well-mannered but less than honest.
Suhardi denied speculation that the poem was addressed at
Joko.
“There was no need to name anyone,” he said. ”The poem was
meant to wake people up that manners should not trump
honesty, because honesty is the ultimate requirement to be a
leader.”
Suhardi said that through the poem Prabowo was trying to
convey that a leader needed to have sufficient capabilities
and it was not enough just be popular and likable.
Prior to Joko’s entry into the presidential race, Prabowo
was seen as the candidate to beat. However, many say his bid
could end before it begins due to a lack of party support.
The PDI-P won 14 percent of the vote in 2009, while
Gerindra only garnered 4.5 percent.
Under electoral law, a party or coalition needs to win 25
percent of the legislative vote, or control 20 percent of
seats at the House of Representatives, ti be eligible to
nominate a presidential candidate.
Analysts say Prabowo burned his bridges with the PDI-P by
glorifying his role in last year’s Jakarta gubernatorial
race.
Although she did not mention Prabowo by name, Megawati
blasted “free riders” taking credit for Joko’s victory.
Previously Prabowo, in an apparent attack against Joko, had
cautioned voters not to choose a “puppet presidential
candidate.”
Polls have consistently shown if Joko wasn’t running,
Prabowo would be the clear favorite to win the election.
A team named the New Jakarta Advocacy Team, which supported
Joko and his deputy, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, in their
gubernatorial campaign in 2012, said last week that they
would file a lawsuit against Joko for accepting the
presidential nomination.
The group demanded that Joko remain in his post until the
end of his term in 2017.
New Jakarta Advocacy Team coordinator Habiburokhman said
the team had supported Joko in becoming the governor, and it
expected him to repay that support by seeing out his terms
and promises.
Habiburokhman, who is also the head of Gerindra’s advocacy
unit, said Joko was legally bound to his promises because
they were the basis for his winning in 2012.
Firman Noor, a political analyst from the Indonesia
Institute of Sciences, or LIPI, said that the public’s
disappointment regarding Joko’s decision to accept the
presidential nomination could serve as ammunition for his
rivals.
The verbal attacks are mainly aimed at Joko’s integrity,
who during his gubernatorial campaign promised to serve as
governor for the full five-year term and to help overcome
Jakarta’s problems.
Another strategy to hurt Joko’s credibility is through the
lawsuit filed by the New Jakarta Advocacy Team, Firman said.
Dono Prasetyo, chairman of the Jokowi National Secretariat,
a supporters’ group, said the lawsuit was a blatant attempt
by rivals to smear the governor.
Habiburokhman denied that the lawsuit was a smear campaign,
but insisted it was a form of support for Joko to remain as
Jakarta’s governor because he had been working well.
He said Joko’s popularity in part came from a “man of the
people” image and a willingness to go out and visit poor
