Sunday, March 30, 2014

MENGAPA PERLU MENYOKONG JOKOWI JADI PRESIDEN RI MENDATANG ??

Kolom IBRAHIM ISA
Sabtu, 29 Maret 2014
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MENGAPA PERLU MENYOKONG JOKOWI JADI PRESIDEN RI MENDATANG ??

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Sejak kekayaan alam dan bumi Indonesia digadaikan kepada kaum monopoli modal asing 47 tahun yang lalu (Jenewa, 1967), Indonesia hakikatnya sudah menjadi negeri yang dikatagorikan sebagai negeri “neo-kolonial”. Empatpuluh tujuh tahun yang lalu, setelah kaum militer Indonesia di bawah Jendral Suharto berhasil menggulingkan Presiden Sukarno.---- di Jenewa telah berlangsung Konferensi Ekonomi antara kaum monopoli asing dengan penguasa baru Indonesia. Konferensi itu (tidak mengherankan!) diprakarsai dan diselenggarakan oleh “Time Life Corporation of America” ----

Nama konferensi itu sungguh heibat tetapi amat m e n i p u . . dikatakan bahwa konferensi itu adalah untuk . . “membantu pembangunan kembali nasion Indonesia”. .

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Dalam sejarah tercatat, bahwa Konferensi Ekonomi tsb menghasilkan perjanjian-perjanjian dan kontrak-kontrak “pincang” antara Delegasi Ekonomi Indonesia yang terdiri dari para pakar keuangan dan ekonomi Indonesia (terutama terdiri dari) lulusan Berkeley, AS, -- dengan kaum modal dan perusahaan monopoli AS. Kejadian ini yang menjadikan Indonesia menuruti jalur perkembangan ekonomi model konsep IMF dan World Bank, merupakan titik balik RETROGRES , yang HARUS DIKOREKSI!

Seorang pakar ekonomi AS, Professor Jeffrey Winters dari Northwestern University di Chicago, melaporkan tentang konferensi tsb a.l sbb:

Para peserta konferensi dibagi menjadi lima seksi yang berberbeda-beda: Pertambangan di satu kamar, pelayanan di kamar lain, industri ringan di kamar lainbya, perbankan dan finans di kamar lainnya lagi.

Dan apa yang dilakukan oleh bankir Chase Manhattan, adalah duduk dalam sebuah delegasi dan mendiktekan kebijakan yang sesuai dengan kehendak mereka dan para investor lainnya.

Disitulah para penguasa perusahaan besar yang berpindah dari satu meja ke meja lainnya, sambil mengatakan 'ini yang kami inginkan', ini, ini, dan ini'. -- dan secara pokok mereka merancangkan 'legal-infrasturture' untuk investasi di Indonesia.

Saya tidak pernah mendengar situasi seperti ini dimana kaum kapitalis global duduk bersama dengan wakil-wakil negara yang katanya berdaulat dan mendiktekan syarat-syarat masuknya mereka ke negeri itu'.

Demikianlah, dalam tahun 1967 tuntutan para pengusaha asing internasional dipakukan dengan disahkannya oleh rezim Orde Baru, UUPMA, Undang-Undang Penanaman Modal Asing.< Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia Nomor 1 Tahun 1967 Tentang Penanaman Modal Asing >

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Perjanjian-perjanjian keuangan dan ekonomi, sertga komitmen yang ditandatangani oleh Indonesia di Jenewa ketika itu (yang transparan maupun yang 'rahasia') --- amat merugikan kepentingan ekonomi nasional Indonesia. Selain kekayaan bumi dan alam kita telah digadaikan kepada fihak asing, arah perkembangan ekonomi Indonesia sepenuhnya berada di bawah dikte asing. Seiring dengan masuknya modal asing yang melakukan investasi dengan syarat-syarat yang merugikan, keuangan dan ekonomi Indonesia sepenuhnya tergantung pada fihak asing, pada PINJAMAN dari IMF dan World Bank dan sementara bank-bank asing lainnya.

Di bidang politik luar negeri, Indonesia sepenuhnya mengabdi politik dan strategi Perang Dingin AS dan Barat. Keberadaan Indonesia dalam Non-Aligned Countries, Negara-negara Non-Blok, semata-mata merupakan jubah untuk menutupi hakikat politik luarnegeri yang pro-Barat, serta untuk mengelabui rakyat.

Di bidang kebudayaan, kebiasaan dan tradisi feodal digalakkan rezim Orde Baru. Seni dan sastra asing masuk dan beroperasi dengan leluasa. Ini terjadi setelah seni dan sastra progresif yang berkembang di bawah pemerintahan Presiden Sukarno dilarang dan pelaku serta pendukungnya dipersekusi.

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Pemerintah Indonesia hasil pemilihan presiden 2104, seyogianya mengakhiri keadaan dimana Indonesia telah menjadi sebuah negeri neo-koloni. Maka perjanjian-perjanjian, kommitmen dan kontrak-kontak pincang yang ditandatangni dengan fihak asing harus dipelajari kembali dan diperbaharui. Demikian pula halnya undang-undang yang menyangkut modal asing.

Sedemikian rupa sehingga memberikan syarat terandalkan untuk dibangunnya ekonomi nasional yang berdaulat sebagaimana layaknya sebuah MEGARA MERDEKA.

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Ada pertanda positif. PDI-P sebagai parpol yang mengajukan JOKOWI sebagai calon untuk Presiden pasca 2014, menjelaskan prakarsa yang akan mereka programkan sebagai kebijakan mendatang.

PDI-P menawarkan tiga program untuk mewujudkan: Negara yang berdaulat di bidang politik, Berdikari di bidang ekonomi, dan Berkepribadian budaya Indonesia.

Politik besar bagi Indonesia untuk maju dan berkembang menjadi suatu negeri yang makmur dan adil, bukanlah ide baru. Tiga segi politik besar tsb lebih populer dikenal sebagai TRISAKTI.

Sayang Trisakti di masa pemerintahan Presiden Sukarno, baru merupakan konsep yang belum sempat dipraktekkkan. Pelaksanaannya terhalang oleh perubahan kekuasaan yang terjadi di Indonesia dengan berdirinya rezim Orde Baru.

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Diintreprasikan secara sederhana:

BILA JOKOWI TERPILIH SEBAGAI PRESIDEN RI MENDATANG, MAKA IA AKAN MELAKSANAKAN TIGA PROGRAM BESAR YANG DIPROGRAMKAN OLEH PDI-P.

Itulah sebab utama mengapa JOKOWI PERLU DISOKONG!!

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IBRAHIM ISA'S FOCUS THE 2014 INDONESIAS PRESIDENTS ELECTION

IBRAHIM ISA'S FOCUS
THE 2014 INDONESIAS PRESIDENTS ELECTION
Thursday, March, 28, 2014
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New Survey Shows Joko Widodo, PDI-P Remaining Most Popular


Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo speaks about his presidential campaign in Bandar Lampung on March 22, 2014. (SP Photo/ Joanito De Saojoao)
Jakarta. The electability of Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo remains the highest among this year’s crop of presidential hopefuls with a new survey showing that he garners more than 37 percent of the support, leaving his contenders behind, but still shy of the 50 percent support needed to take the race in a single election.
A survey conducted by Charta Politika this month showed that Joko’s electability was as high as 37.4 percent, far exceeding Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) founder Prabowo Subianto, who enjoys 14.5 percent support.
Golkar Party chairman Aburizal Bakrie only drew 9.9 percent support despite repeated assertions that his only contenders were Prabowo and the now-sidelined Megawati Sukarnoputri.
“The tendency is that Jokowi is accepted by all circles. This can be seen across gender and age groups, educational background, income level, profession and geographic origin,” Charta Politika executive director Yunarto Wijaya said in Jakarta on Wednesday, referring to Joko by his popular nickname.
The survey showed that eligible voters mainly found out about presidential and vice presidential hopefuls from television with around 90.9 percent of them saying that they got information from television advertisements. Political advertisements pushing the candidacy of Aburizal, who owns a media empire that includes television stations and news sites, were seen by 35.2 percent of the respondents. People’s Conscience Party (Hanura) chairman Wiranto pulled similar numbers, with 24.6 percent of the respondents saying they have seen his ads. The former Indonesian army general is running with Hary Tanoesoedibjo — the media mogul behind the MNC Group.
Prabowo’s advertisements, which have received heavy play on television despite lacking a stake in a station, were seen by 17.7 percent of the survey’s respondents.
But just seeing the advertisements doesn’t equate to a boost at the polls, Yunarto said. The survey found that of the 87.4 percent of the respondents who saw Golkar’s ads, only 17.2 percent would vote for that party, while 21.1 percent indicated that they would vote for the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).
Of the 87.2 percent respondents who saw Gerindra’s ads, only 12.7 percent said they would vote for the party, while as many as 21.2 percent said they would vote for the PDI-P.
Yunarto said the survey corroborated a similar survey in December last year, in which PDI-P garnered 15.8 percent support, Golkar 12.6 percent, and Gerindra 7.8 percent support.
“These three parties are predicted to become frontrunners in the 2014 legislative election,” Yunarto said.
He cited results showing other parties, such as the Democratic Party with around 8 percent support, followed by the National Awakening Party (PKB) with 7.2 percent.
The United Development Party (PPP) enjoyed 5.1 percent support, Hanura (4.8 percent), National Mandate Party (PAN) (4.5 percent), and Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) with around 3.2 percent.

Indonesia Presidential Election May Not Answer Investors’ Prayers



A General Election Commission (KPU) official prepares ballot boxes and polling materials in Bangkalan, Madura island in East Java on March 26, 2014. (AFP Photo/Juni Kriswanto)
Singapore. The 10 percent jump in Indonesia’s stock market this year is a case of investors’ hopes triumphing over experience.
The coal, mineral and palm-oil exporter rode last decade’s commodities boom. Now the Chinese demand that fueled it is fading. The economy’s other engine — domestic consumption — is also slowing.
Financial investors, though, are betting on a hard reset. They hope Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo, the favorite to win July’s presidential poll, will restart stalled reforms, making the world’s fourth most-populous nation a strong contender for more investment.
Expectations were similarly high when current President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono came to power 10 years ago. He presided over the high-growth years, but accomplished little in terms of reform. To fare better, Jokowi — as Joko is commonly known — will need a tight grip on the legislature. Next month’s parliamentary polls will determine whether he gets that wish. The party’s poor performance in 2009 is a reason to be cautious.
Besides, there is a worrying lack of urgency for reform. Last summer’s balance-of-payment wobbles have ceased. Higher interest rates have stabilized the rupiah. Now that there is no immediate crisis, the liberalization of the foreign investment regime promised late last year is also delayed.
Not only is progress glacial, but the direction keeps shifting. Last year, DBS was forced to abandon a bid to acquire control of an Indonesian lender after the central bank in Jakarta came up with new ownership guidelines that seemed tailor-made to block the Singaporean investor. This year, the government slapped a mistimed ban on exports of unprocessed minerals. Now Jakarta wants to cancel 60 bilateral investment treaties, the Financial Times reported on March 26.
Fulfilling its growth potential requires Indonesia to eschew unhealthy nationalism, check pervasive corruption and step up investment in infrastructure, health and education. It took a collapse of 8 percent-plus growth for policymakers in India to realize that it is harder to sustain a love affair with investors than to start one. A win for Jokowi could see a surge of optimism similar to the one that India witnessed five years ago. The disappointment, too, could be equally painful.

Ex-generals jockey for
VP nod

Several prominent retired Indonesian Military (TNI) generals have flocked to the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), hoping to be selected by party chairwoman Megawati Soekarnoputri as the running mate for the party’s presidential candidate, Joko “Jokowi” Widodo.

PDI-P politicians have suggested that a few high-profile retired TNI generals would make a strong vice presidential pick, as would civilian leaders such as former vice president Jusuf Kalla, Bank Indonesia Governor Agus Martowardojo, tycoon Chairul Tanjung, former House of Representatives speaker Akbar Tandjung and former Constitutional Court chief justice Mahfud MD.

But in recent days, Megawati appears to have warmed to the idea of having someone with a military or police background share the ticket with Jokowi.

A source close to Megawati said the chairwoman had nixed the idea of choosing Kalla. Megawati had been eyeing three former generals: the 63-year-old former Army chief of staff, Ryamizard Ryacudu, the 66-year-old former Army Education and Training commander, Luhut Panjaitan, and the 62-year-old former National Police chief, Da’i Bachtiar.

Other sources within the PDI-P confirmed that Megawati had narrowed down her choice to between Ryamizard and Luhut.

Megawati is said to have dropped Da’i from the list even though he is known to have close ties with top PDI-P figures. Da’i was dismissed from his position as National Police chief by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in 2005, two years before his retirement.

Both Ryamizard and Luhut have close ties to Megawati. Ryamizard and his father, Brig. Gen. (ret) Ryacudu, have been reported to be loyalists to the Sukarno family.

Ryamizard was promoted to be the Army chief of staff in 2002 under Megawati’s presidential administration and shortly before Megawati left office in 2004, Ryamizard was nominated to become TNI commander.

But Megawati’s successor, Yudhoyono, passed on Ryamizard for the top post, instead picking air chief marshal Djoko Suyanto, who is now coordinating political, legal, and security affairs minister and one of Yudhoyono’s closest confidants.

Luhut, meanwhile, has made no secret of his ambition to get a spot on the ticket. He held a press conference only hours after the PDI-P announced Jokowi’s presidential nomination, praising Megawati for the decision.

Luhut is now the deputy chairman of the Golkar Party’s advisory council.

As a Christian and a native of North Sumatra, Luhut is also expected to be able to attract votes from minority groups and non-Javanese citizens, although his background could also drive away Muslim voters.

Luhut told The Jakarta Post he was vying to be Jokowi’s running mate. “It’s all up to Megawati.”

Analysts have said that a PDI-P retired general vice presidential candidate could backfire.

“The PDI-P could lose its support from Papua if Ryamizard was nominated as vice presidential candidate because some of the most atrocious military operations in the region were carried out under his leadership,” said a human rights advocate from the organization Imparsial, Al Araf.

Several PDI-P executives, however, also hinted at the possibility of TNI Commander Gen. Moeldoko being nominated as Jokowi’s running mate.

Moeldoko has indicated uncertainty as to whether he would become Jokowi’s running mate should he be offered a spot on the presidential ticket. “If I were to refuse the offer then everybody would call me
arrogant but if I said yes, well the fact is that I am still carrying out my duty as the military commander. Therefore, I would focus my energy on the latter right now,” Moeldoko told the Post.

Meanwhile, hundreds of retired military officers declared their support for the presidential bid of Gerindra chief patron Prabowo Subianto, a former commander of the Army’s Special Forces (Kopassus). Among those pledging support is Lt. Gen. (ret) Yunus Yosfiah — a former Kopassus captain during Indonesia’s 1975 invasion of East Timor.

Dicky Christanto also contributes to the story

Tension Bubbles Amid Charges of ‘Black Campaigns’ Targeting Jakarta Governor


Members of the New Jakarta People’s Coalition hold signs reading ‘Jokowi Lies’ during a protest in the capital on March 25, 2014. (JG Photo/Safir Makki)
Jakarta. Political tension escalated following the decision by the biggest opposition party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) to name the hugely popular Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo as its presidential candidate, with doubts looming over his ability to rule the country.
Joko’s nomination was the latest blow to the partnership betweeen between PDI-P and the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) — which already showed signs of unraveling in the months after Joko’s successful bid for the Jakarta governor’s seat. Gerindra founder and presidential hopeful Prabowo Subianto has publicly accused PDI-P chairwoman Megawati Sukarnoputri of violating a 2009 political agreement — dubbed the Batu Tulis Pact — under which the opposition party pledged support for Prabowo’s presidential bid in 2014.
The two previously ran a failed campaign together in the 2009 presidential election. Later, in 2012, they linked up again as their two parties formed a coalition that helped Joko secure the Jakarta governorship — a move many believed foreshadowed another political partnership for the 2014 presidential race.
Prabowo took a moment from stumping last Sunday to recite a poem before a packed house at the capital’s Gelora Bung Karno Stadium. The poem implored Indonesians to not vote for a “liar” or a leader who was well-mannered but dishonest in a not-so-subtle jab at the down-to-earth Jakarta governor. The act drew controversy, with some claiming the former lieutenant general behaved petulantly by displaying his fear. Previously Prabowo, in another apparent attack against Joko, had cautioned voters not to choose a “puppet presidential candidate.”
However, some said Prabowo’s actions were still in line with common political maneuvering. The former Kopassus special forces leader warning regarding “puppet presidential candidate” was typical of Indonesian campaigning and should not be classified as a “black campaign,” said Umar S. Bakrie, secretary general of the Indonesian Research and Public Opinion Association (Aropi).
“Revealing the opponent’s track record, like Gerindra’s chairman did, should be classified as political education because it would enlighten voters,” Umar said, adding that Prabowo’s strong statements were nothing out of the ordinary. “The public needs to monitor potential leaders closely by scouring through their track records and moral integrity. The people of Indonesia are easily swayed by popularity, which can be the product of a manufactured public image.”
For others the motivations behind Joko’s presidential nod by PDI-P chairwoman Megawati, a woman who, in all likelihood, would have made another run for Istana Merdeka, raise suspicions. Megawati must have a hidden agenda in nominating Joko, Maswadi Rauf, political analyst from University of Indonesia, said.
The political analyst described Megawati’s management of her political party as similar to the way she treats her family; she rarely trusts anyone outside her inner circle to hold a strategic position and often single-handedly makes the tactical decisions for the PDI-P, according to a report in the political news portal Gresnews.com.
He said the party should have learned from past experience that leadership should be a collegial effort.
Still, the fear that Joko may become a puppet president is not entirely baseless, said Agung Suprio, a political communications expert. The Jakarta governor is known to be a faithful supporter of both Megawati and her party.
“The impression of a puppet president was triggered by the fact that Joko is unbelievably obedient to Megawati,” Agung said. “In a political party where nepotism prevails, Joko managed to be named the presidential candidate because he was able to please its chairman.”
Joko’s blind faith could affect the way he runs the country if he was elected president, Agung warned.
“There is fear that Joko will lack independence in making decisions, especially on policies that would heavily impact a large number of people,” he said.
Maswadi echoed the sentiment, warning that if Joko became president, there is a possibility that Megawati would be right behind him, controlling his every move.
Another political analyst, Indria Samego, shared a different view, saying that Megawati has shown a significant change by naming Joko as a candidate.
In the 2009 election, he said, the chairwoman obviously controlled her political party with an iron grip. But Megawati gradually demonstrated that she was willing to delegate important tasks and hand over some power to another figure.
“This is a very significant change, and, therefore, we should not assume the worst,” Indria said.
The Indonesian Youth Front for Struggle (FPPI) said it was too soon to assume that Joko would be a puppet of Megawati. FPPI head Ferry Widodo added that someone as intelligent as Joko would not let himself be easily manipulated by anyone, including the head of the PDI-P.
Joko himself said he believes Indonesian voters were mature enough to resist provocation through attempts to smear his character, adding that he was quite familiar with malicious political maneuvers by his opponents.
“Attacks have happened during my first and second election in Solo and during the gubernatorial election in Jakarta, I am used to being insulted, I will not respond to such things,” Joko said. “Our people are not stupid, they are intelligent enough, they know what to do.”
Prior to Joko’s entry in the presidential race, Prabowo was seen as the candidate to beat. However, many say his bid could end before it begins due to a lack of party support. The PDI-P won 14 percent of the vote in 2009, while Gerindra only garnered 4.5 percent.
Analysts say Prabowo may have burned his bridges with the PDI-P by glorifying his role in last year’s Jakarta gubernatorial race. Although she did not mention Prabowo by name, Megawati blasted “free riders” taking credit for Joko’s victory.
A group named the New Jakarta Advocacy Team, which supported Joko and his deputy Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, in their gubernatorial campaign in 2012, said last week that they would file a lawsuit against Joko for accepting the presidential nomination. The team demanded that Joko remains in his post until the end of his term in 2017. But another group, the Jokowi National Secretariat, said the lawsuit was a blatant attempt to smear the governor.
Regardless, voters will likely see more of this in the coming months. Public disappointment over Joko’s decision to mount a presidential bid less than half-way through his term as governor of Jakarta could serve as ammunition for his political rivals, Firman Noor, a political analyst from the Indonesia Institute of Sciences (LIPI), said. The verbal attacks are mainly aimed at Joko’s integrity, who during his gubernatorial campaign promised to serve as governor for the full five-year term and to help overcome Jakarta’s problems.


Two different eras, two
different populists

Aboeprijadi Santoso, Jakarta | Opinion | Fri, March 28 2014, 10:27 AM
With popular Jakarta Governor Joko “Jokowi” Widodo entering the country’s highest political contest, Indonesia has proceeded through a new era of populism amid the half-hearted transition from the New Order toward the consolidation of democracy.

Since there has basically never been a genuine break in terms of ideology and political structure since the 1998 Reformasi (Reformation), not surprisingly, many patterns of political leadership and actions have been both retained and renewed, shaping a curious mixture of old and new characteristics.

Nowhere has this been more obvious than with the contradiction between two populist leaders now competing to lead the nation: Jokowi and Prabowo Subianto.

The 2014 elections — some of the biggest in the world, with 180 million eligible voters for some 20,000 regional and national representatives — could, for better or worse, be the promise of a break with the recent past. A promise — that could either be fulfilled or broken.

The time has passed when those with celebrated roles during the independence struggle were destined to rule the state and guide the nation.

With it, patterns of rule and leadership, with which the ruling elite kept their domination by dynamic interaction between state and political parties’ mass mobilization, have gone.

The time has also passed for the system that replaced it, which came through mass violence, and went on with threats justified by ideological hegemony and was maintained by repressive stability and economic development.

Today, a transition toward decentralization and growing markets in the regions have resulted in new patterns. Political leaders and legislators now depend on resources from political and business sectors, and hence they are no longer only controlled by party bosses.  

The pendulum has thus swung to local and national groups of wealthy capitalists and oligarchs, the residue of generals from a foregone era, and ambitious nationalist and religion-based political leaders dominating the contest for the state and presidency.

But they all built their resources during the decade of a president, the first in history, who acquired full, if formal, legitimacy for having been directly elected for two consecutive periods, yet has largely failed to use it to better the prospects of the nation.

True, there has been impressive economic growth and political stability. But the last decade also demonstrated an intensely felt time of crisis as a result of the ubiquitous corruption, rising sectarianism, indecisive leadership and apparent decline of national cohesiveness. Even democracy was blamed when things were running wild.

All in all, it has resulted in what is increasingly seen — rightly or wrongly — as the need of strong state leadership, clean political leaders and a sort of national re-awakening.

Both Jokowi and in particular Prabowo have made a lot out of this. Both — aged 52 and 62 respectively — grew up during the New Order era, but learned different lessons, and effectively took quite different fruit from it.

The owner of a local furniture business, Jokowi entered bureaucracy as he was elected to lead a medium-sized city and became popular as he took his job seriously and succeeded in gaining public faith.

As in Surakarta, in Jakarta he has come to be seen as “one of us” by men and women on the streets.

Many may be skeptical of his capability to lead the nation since the urban problems he faced will
not provide him with the best framework with which to lead the nation, but his supporters and others have welcomed this precisely as a great challenge for a new leader in new era.

Jokowi comes from a simple family, not from a “who’s who” of public figures. Little, if any, public concern has been expressed about him simply because he is known as being clean of corruption. Above all, he is clean of human rights violations, of which the New Order has been most notorious.

In almost all of these respects, Prabowo has been the exact opposite of Jokowi. A former military leader turned politician who was brought up abroad, versus a homegrown local merchant turned bureaucrat-cum-politician.

Prabowo has never been active in public service other than the military, nor has he ever been elected to any political office. He comes from a well-known aristocratic family — the grandson of a hero and proud son of a renowned economist, once involved in a regional rebellion.

A former general, the only general ever sacked by the corps in the nation’s history, and former son-in-law of the late president Soeharto, he has been politically raised from the very heart of the New Order.

Thus, Prabowo could not have known what it’s like to live a simple life, build a career from the bottom up and be elected for public office — just as Jokowi could hardly imagine what it’s like to be a privileged son and a notorious general allegedly involved in war crimes in Aceh and East Timor.

Jokowi is a native son loyal to his homeland in the way Prabowo never was, as the latter once sought a year-long refuge abroad in self-exile in Jordan.

Jokowi played by the rules of the game, while Prabowo repeatedly and proudly expressed regret for not having attempted a coup d’état when Soeharto resigned. Witnesses, however, said he did attempt it, but failed.

Prabowo never indicated any interest in finding activists who went missing between 1997-1998, for which he was responsible, while Jokowi seems curious about the fate of the missing poet Wiji Thukul and his friends.

If Jokowi has grown popular as a modest but successful bureaucrat, Prabowo has become a wealthy and successful patron of his political party. One grew from the bottom of society, the other from the very heart of state power.

These differences are significant and have historical parallels. Like the first and fourth presidents, Sukarno and Abdurrahman Wahid, Jokowi is a product of the dynamic of his time and the grassroots community that he comes from.

Prabowo, like Soeharto, almost exclusively spent his life and career within the military apparatus and derived his drive and spirit from it. Indeed his party captains have publicly expressed sympathy with Soeharto‘s rule.

This is not just a matter of person and personality. It is Indonesia’s recent history that made them what they are.

Moreover, the legacy of the New Order and President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s administration has shaped conditions in which Jokowi’s and Prabowo’s populist drive could grow.

Jokowi’s background and journey may be a sign of a new era — just as Prabowo’s resemble a recent past. One may represent hope while the other represents fear, or a dubious mix of both.

The writer is a journalist living in the Netherlands.

Labor unions join forces
to support Jokowi’s candidacy

Two leading labor unions – the Confederation of Indonesian Prosperity Labor Union (KSBSI) and the Confederation of All-Indonesian Workers Union (KSPSI) –- on Thursday announced their full support for the presidential bid of Jakarta Governor Joko “Jokowi” Widodo.
“We, the two leading worker unions, declare our support to Jokowi as a president. Jokowi will be able to show his extraordinary performance to fight for workers rights in the future,” said KSPSI president Andi Ghani in a declaration event in Matraman, East Jakarta, on Thursday, as quoted by kompas.com.
Andi went on to say that during his leadership of the capital, Jokowi had shown he supported workers rights. For example, he increased the provincial minimum wage by 40 percent in 2012. The wage hike, he said, had become a barometer for other regions.
Andi dared to predict that the joint declaration of the two worker unions, which have 21 unions nationwide under their umbrella, meant Jokowi would win the 2014 presidential election.
“We have calculated that there will be around 7 to 8 million labor votes for Jokowi. We are sure that Jokowi will win in only one round,” said Andi.
Nevertheless, the unions said, they would keep monitoring Jokowi’s work performance, especially regarding workers rights.
“We do not just support him but also will criticize him if during his leadership as president, he lacks attention to workers rights,” said KSBSI president Mudhofir.
Declarations of worker support for Jokowi are also planned for Banjarmasin, Batam, Cilegon, Lampung Medan, and other cities. (idb/ebf)

Moeldoko not sure he would
accept VP offer

Indonesian Military Commander Gen. Moeldoko has indicated uncertainty as to whether he would become Joko "Jokowi" Widodo's running mate should he be offered a spot on the presidential ticket.
Moeldoko's name was recently included as one of seven put forth as contenders by senior Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) member Maruarar Sirait.
“If I were to refuse the offer then everybody would call me arrogant but if I said yes, well the fact is that I am still carrying out my duty as the military commander. Therefore, I would focus my energy on the latter right now,” Moeldoko told The Jakarta Post on Thursday.
When asked whether his answer would remain the same if he were asked few months from now, Moeldoko insisted that his only desire would be to continue leading the military.
Moeldoko’s name has been mentioned along with former army chief of staff Gen. (ret) Ryamizard Ryacudu and former army educational and training commander Gen. (ret) Luhut Panjaitan as military men being considered by PDI-P to run as Jokowi’s VP candidate.
Besides these military figures, other names like former Constitutional Court chief justice Mahfud MD, Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) chairman Abraham Samad and former VP Jusuf Kalla are also being considered.



Prabowo Reads Poem Attacking ‘Liars,’ Gerindra Still Open to PDI-P Coalition


Prabowo Subianto (C), the presidential candidate for the Great Indonesia Movement (Gerindra), waves from a jeep to supporters as he campaigns ahead of the legislative elections in Jakarta on March 23, 2014. (AFP Photo/Adek Berry)
Jakarta. The Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) has said a coalition with its one-time ally and now biggest rival, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) is still possible, despite escalating political tension and obvious competition.
Gerindra chairman Suhardi said on Monday that the party was still open to a coalition with any political party, including with the PDI-P.
“The most important thing is whether or not the party will be able to respect our party’s platform,” Suhardi said when asked by journalists whether Gerindra had completely ruled out the possibility of forming a coalition with the PDI-P.
Speculation about a falling-out between the two parties was sparked after the PDI-P officially named the wildly popular Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo as the party’s presidential candidate.
Gerindra’s founder and presidential hopeful, Prabowo Subianto, accused PDI-P chairwoman Megawati Sukarnoputri of violating a 2009 political agreement — dubbed the Batu Tulis Pact — under which the PDI-P pledged support for Prabowo’s presidential bid in 2014.
Megawati and Prabowo previously ran a losing campaign together in the 2009 presidential election. Later, in 2012, they linked up again, as their two parties formed a coalition that helped Joko secure the Jakarta governorship — a move many believed foreshadowed another political partnership for the 2014 presidential race.
The political ties between Prabowo and Megawati soured soon after, however, after Megawati expressed anger with him for supposedly taking credit for Joko’s victory in the capital.
The PDI-P’s decision to nominate Joko is a profound blow to Prabowo’s campaign to win the presidency, which various polls showed was the most likely outcome if he ran in a field that did not include the fiercely popular Jakarta governor.
During Gerindra’s campaign rally in Jakarta on Sunday, Prabowo read a poem about how a liar should not be chosen as a leader. The poem also mentioned a leader who was well-mannered but less than honest.
Suhardi denied speculation that the poem was addressed at Joko.
“There was no need to name anyone,” he said. ”The poem was meant to wake people up that manners should not trump honesty, because honesty is the ultimate requirement to be a leader.”
Suhardi said that through the poem Prabowo was trying to convey that a leader needed to have sufficient capabilities and it was not enough just be popular and likable.
Prior to Joko’s entry into the presidential race, Prabowo was seen as the candidate to beat. However, many say his bid could end before it begins due to a lack of party support.
The PDI-P won 14 percent of the vote in 2009, while Gerindra only garnered 4.5 percent.
Under electoral law, a party or coalition needs to win 25 percent of the legislative vote, or control 20 percent of seats at the House of Representatives, ti be eligible to nominate a presidential candidate.
Analysts say Prabowo burned his bridges with the PDI-P by glorifying his role in last year’s Jakarta gubernatorial race.
Although she did not mention Prabowo by name, Megawati blasted “free riders” taking credit for Joko’s victory.
Previously Prabowo, in an apparent attack against Joko, had cautioned voters not to choose a “puppet presidential candidate.”
Polls have consistently shown if Joko wasn’t running, Prabowo would be the clear favorite to win the election.
A team named the New Jakarta Advocacy Team, which supported Joko and his deputy, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, in their gubernatorial campaign in 2012, said last week that they would file a lawsuit against Joko for accepting the presidential nomination.
The group demanded that Joko remain in his post until the end of his term in 2017.
New Jakarta Advocacy Team coordinator Habiburokhman said the team had supported Joko in becoming the governor, and it expected him to repay that support by seeing out his terms and promises.
Habiburokhman, who is also the head of Gerindra’s advocacy unit, said Joko was legally bound to his promises because they were the basis for his winning in 2012.
Firman Noor, a political analyst from the Indonesia Institute of Sciences, or LIPI, said that the public’s disappointment regarding Joko’s decision to accept the presidential nomination could serve as ammunition for his rivals.
The verbal attacks are mainly aimed at Joko’s integrity, who during his gubernatorial campaign promised to serve as governor for the full five-year term and to help overcome Jakarta’s problems.
Another strategy to hurt Joko’s credibility is through the lawsuit filed by the New Jakarta Advocacy Team, Firman said.
Dono Prasetyo, chairman of the Jokowi National Secretariat, a supporters’ group, said the lawsuit was a blatant attempt by rivals to smear the governor.
Habiburokhman denied that the lawsuit was a smear campaign, but insisted it was a form of support for Joko to remain as Jakarta’s governor because he had been working well.
He said Joko’s popularity in part came from a “man of the people” image and a willingness to go out and visit poor

BEDANKBRIEF - 3 -

Ibrahim Bramijn  --  Suwardi
Amsterdam, 26 maart 2014
------------------------------------


BEDANKBRIEF



Geachte Stadsdeel Bestuur
van Amsterdam Zuidoost



Wij zijn zeer verrast en voelen ons zeer vereerd voor Uw felicitaties en voor
de mooie bloemen die U ons gestuurd heeft op onze 60e huwelijksjaar.

Wij en onze kinderen en kleinkinderen en achterkleinkinderen willen U
hierbij van harte bedanken.

Met vriendelijke groeten



Familie I. Bramijn - Suwardi






BEDANKBRIEF - 2 -

Ibrahim Bramijn - Suwardi
Amsterdam, 24 maart 2014.
---------------------------------------

BEDANKBRIEF

Geachte Heer E.E. Van der Laan
Burgemeester Amsterdam

Kunt U zich voorstellen hoe verrast en vereerd wij ons voelden toen wij Uw brief openden en lazen dat U ons feliciteerde met onze 60 jaar huwelijksdag.
Wij hebben direkt onze kinderen kleinkinderen  hierover op de hoogte gebracht. En wij allen willen U hierbij van harte bedanken. Ook voor de beste wensen die U ons toewenst voor de vele jaren daarna.

Hoogachtend,
Fam. I. Bramijn – Suwardi










BEDANKBRIEF Geachte Heer E.E. Verwaal Plv. Algemeen Secretaris van Zijne Majesteit de Koning en

Ibrahim Bramijn – Suwaardi
Amsterda, 24 maart, 2014
--------------------------------------

BEDANKBRIEF

Geachte Heer E.E. Verwaal
Plv. Algemeen Secretaris van
Zijne Majesteit de Koning en
Hare Majesteit de Koningin


Wij voelen ons zeer verrast en vereerd voor de oprechte felicitaties en de beste wensen op ons 60 huwelijksjaar van Zijne Majesteit de Koning en Hare Majesteit de Koningin.
Wij zijn zeer dankbaar en ontroerd dat zij hebben ondanks de drukte programma nog tijd hebben om ons hiervoor te feliciteren.
Wit U zo vriendelijk zijn om Zijne Majesteit de Koning en Hare Majesteit de Koningin namens ons onze dankbaarheid hiervoor te verwittigen.

Hoogachtend,
Fam I. Bramijn – Suwardi

Kepada HANDAI-TAULAN, SAHABAT DAN KAWAN-KAWAN, Kepada Walikota AMSTERDAM E.E. van der LAAN Kepada Raja Kerajaan Belanda WILLEM ALEXANDER Dan RATU MAXIMA, * * * BANYAK TERIMA KASIH ATAS UCAPAN SELAMAT Dan Harapan Baik Mereka

Kolom IBRAHIM ISA
Selasa, 24 Maret 2014
-----------------------------

Kepada

HANDAI-TAULAN, SAHABAT DAN KAWAN-KAWAN,

Kepada Walikota AMSTERDAM E.E. van der LAAN

Kepada Raja Kerajaan Belanda WILLEM ALEXANDER
Dan RATU MAXIMA,

* * *

BANYAK TERIMA KASIH ATAS UCAPAN SELAMAT
Dan Harapan Baik Mereka

* * *

Ketika kutulis Kolom berjudul “ENAMPULUH TAHUN SEHIDUP- SEMATI”, tujuan utama adalah menarik pelajaran dan pengalaman selama hidup sebagai suami-istri dalam jangka waktu 60 tahun. Mengharapkan ada manfaatnya menarik pelajaran dari pengalaman tsb. Kiranya akan bisa bermanfaat sebagai bahan pertimbangan terutama bagi putri-putri kami, para suami mereka, cucu-cucu dan kemudian juga oleh cicit-cicit, Juga semoga ada manfaatnya bagi para sahabat, kenalan dan kawan-kawan seperjuangan.

* * *

Tak terfikirkan bahwa begitu banyak yang tergerak hatinya membaca kolom tsb, lalu menyampaikan ucapan selamat dan harapan terbaik mereka kepada kami suami-istri.

Hal ini membuat kami terharu dan tergugah, merasakan betapa dekatnya perasaan sesaudara yang hangat dan sungguh, sekenalan dan sekawan dari mereka terhadap kami. Halmana merupakan suatu kekuatan heibat bagi kami dalam menempuh perjalanan hidup selanjutnya.

Kami merasa gembira, amat berterima kasih, dan lega bahwa terutama dari kalangan keluarga, bisa menarik manfaat dari pengalaman suka-duka hidup kami sebagai suami istri, dan dari kesimpulan yang kami tarik dari situ sebagai bahan pertimbangan bagi perjalanan hidup mereka selanjutnya.

* * *

Suatu hal yang tak terduga, yang merupakan suatu SURPRISE yang menggembirakan bahwa kami menerima sepucuk surat tertanggal 20 Maret, 2014, dari Dienst Van Het Koninklijke Huis, Kantor Keluarga Raja (Belanda), dalam bahasa Belanda. Dialamatkan pada nama-nama paspor kami sebagai warganegara Kerajaan Belanda. Sepucuk surat serupa juga kami terima dari Walikota Amsterdam, E.E. van der Laan. Diterjemahkan bebas surat dari Istana Noordende tsb, sbb:

* * *

Tuan dan Nyonya Bramijn-Suwardi
Haag en Veld 76
1102 GD Amsterdam

No 14/mbg 's-Gravenhage, 20 Maret 2014
Istana Noordeinde


Tuan dan Nyonya yang terhormat,

Yang Mulya Raja dan Sri Ratu mengetahui bahwa Anda-Anda pada tanggal 22 Maret yang akan datang mengharapkan memperingati hari ultah ke-60 perkawinan Anda-Anda.

Berhubung dengan peristiwa luar biasa ini mereka ingin dari lubuk hati menyatakan selamat dan minta kepada saya untuk menyampaikan harapan terbaik mereka kepada Anda-Anda.

Teriring perasaan yang paling menghargai,

Tertanda,

(E.F. Verwaal)
Pejabat Sekretris Umum Yang mulya Raja dan Sri Ratu

Postbus 30412 2500 GK 'S-Grvenhage Tiloun 070. 3624701 / Faqx 070-361 5241

* * *

Satu hal penting dari UCAPAN SELAMAT DARI ISTANA NOORDEINDE tsb, adalah bahwa kami sekeluarga merasa amat gembira dan terhormat, dikirimi ucapan selamat yang datang dari Istana Noordende. Suatu hal yang amat diluar dugaan. Sama halnya dengan surat Walikota Amsterdam kepada kami yang senada isinya.

Rasa homat dan penghargaan tertuju, kepada tradisi baik Belanda, bahwa pemimpin/pejabat terttinggi negeri, khususnya Raja dan Sri Ratu, dan walikota begitu menaruh perhatian terhadap keadaan penghidupan warganya. Memang sejak tahun 1991 kami sekeluarga telah menjadi warga-negara Belanda.

Kami tahu belakangan bahwa di negeri Belanda, Walikota dan Raja serta Sri Ratu menyampaikan ucapan selamat mereka kepada warganya yang mencapai usia 100 tahun... Dalam hal kami ini yang mencapai ultah ke-60 perkawinan sebagai suami-istri. Di Belanda ultah perkawinan ke-60 disebut sebagai Ultah Permata Berlian. (Diamond Anniversary)

Selanjutnya kami mengirimkan surat tanda terima kasih kami kepada Raja dan
Sri Ratu Belanda serta kepada Walikota Amsterdam, E.E. van der Laan,.

* * *

Surat kepada Raja Willem Alexander dan Sri Ratu Maxima

Amsterdam, 24 maart 2014


Geachte Heer E.E. Verwaal
Plv. Algemeen Secretaris van
Zijne Majesteit de Koning en
Hare Majesteit de Koningin


Wij voelen ons zeer verrast en vereerd voor de oprechte felicitaties en de beste wensen op ons 60 huwelijksjaar van Zijne Majesteit de Koning en Hare Majesteit de Koningin.
Wij zijn zeer dankbaar en ontroerd dat zij hebben ondanks de drukte programma nog tijd hebben om ons hiervoor te feliciteren.
Wil U zo vriendelijk zijn om Zijne Majesteit de Koning en Hare Majesteit de Koningin namens ons onze dankbaarheid hiervoor te verwittigen.

Hoogachtend,
Fam I. Bramijn – Suwardi


* * *
Amsterdam, 24 maart 2014.

Geachte Heer E.E. Van der Laan
Burgemeester Amsterdam

Kunt U zich voorstellen hoe verrast en vereerd wij ons voelden toen wij Uw brief openden en lazen dat U ons feliciteerde met onze 60 jaar huwelijksdag.
Wij hebeen direkt onze kinderen hierover op de hoogte gebracht. En wij allen willen U hierbij van harte bedanken. Ook voor de beste wensen die U ons toewenst voor de vele jaren daarna.

Hoogachtend,
Fam. I. Brmijn – Suwardi

* * *








ENAM PULUH TAHUN SEHIDUP-SEMATI PATUTLAH BERSYUKUR!

Kolom IBRAHIM ISA
Sabtu, 22 Maret 2014
----------------------------

ENAM PULUH TAHUN SEHIDUP-SEMATI
PATUTLAH BERSYUKUR!

* * *

Beberapa hari yang lalu kukatakan kepada Murti:

Eh, . . . . 22 Maret tahun ini, genap 50 tahun perkawinan kita”. Murti segera berreakasi: “Ah, bagaimana . . . bukan limapuluh. Sudah enampuluh tahun!! Betul! Perkawinan kami berlangsung pada 22 Maret 1954.

|Kami tidak biasa mengadakan peringatan khusus pada ulangtahun perkawinan. Bukan kebiasaan kami. Tapi putri-putri kami ingat terus. Ayah, kata mereka, ulangtahun perkawinan yad 'kan yang ke- enampuluh! Akan bikin acara apa? Ah, tidak akan bikin acara khusus. Kami biasa pada hari 22 Maret itu pergi “makan diluar”.

Malam ini putri kami dari Jerman bersama suami dan putra-putranya akan datang, sambil “noto” rumah putranya. Putra sulungnya baru teken-kontrak rumah-sewa di Den Haag. Ia harus pindah ke Den Haag, karena kantor tempat ia kerja di “Crowd Roaming” pindah ke Den Haag.

Paling-paling kami akan minum-minum kopi, “koffie uurtje” kata orang Belanda, dan makan sedikit “hapjes”, panganan . .

* * *

Kutanyakan kepada Murti: Apa kesanmu kita sudah 60 tahun bersuami-istri? Murti berfikir sejenak. Ia menjawab:

LIEF EN LEED SAMEN GEDEELD” .
Indonesianya “Dalam Masa Senang dan Dalam Kesulitan Dilakoni Bersama”. Singkatnya,

SEHIDUP SEMATI”

Memang sering-sering Murti lebih mudah menyatakan fikirannya dalam bahasa |Belanda. Di keluarga mereka dulu bahasa sehari-harinya, bahasa Belanda!! Ya, begitulah keadaannya di zaman kolonial.

SEHIDUP SEMATI, Lief en Leed Samen Gedeeld”. Ungkapan itu dinyatakan dalam satu kalimat saja. Namun, isinya adalah “masa suka dan duka” selama 60 tahun. Sungguh suatu kebahagiaan bagi keluarga yang bisa terus mempertahankan LIEF EN LEED SAMEN GEDEELD. Patutlah kami bersyukur!

* * *

Sejak bocah, aku dididik menurut ajaran ISLAM. Pendidikan itu berlangsung di rumah dan di sekolah. Termasuk madrasah. Kesan yang paling mendalam dari pendidikan agama itu adalah SUPAYA BISA MEMBEDAKAN MANA YANG BENAR DAN MANA YANG SALAH. Kelanjutannya tentu MENGHINDARI YANG SALAH DAN MEMPERTAHANKAN YANG BENAR .

Bila ingin lebih banyak tahu tentang kehidupan keluarga kami, bisa dibaca buku yang kuterbitkan tahun ini,”KABAR DARI SEBERANG, Memoar Ibrahim Isa”. Dengan Pengantar Bonnie Triyana. Penerbit Historia Publisher, 2013.

* * *

Mengenang pengalaman hidup kami bersuami-istri, kupesankan pada putri-putri serta para suami mereka, dan cucu-cucu kami: CURAHKAN PERHATIAN SEBESAR-BESARNYA MEMBANGUN KEHIDUPAN KELUARGA YANG HARMONIS. Keluarga yang harmonis adalah pilar kehidupan masyarakat yang sehat.

Dan . . . selalu mempertimbangkan matang-matang keputusan yang akan diambil . . . . setelah mendengar banyak pendapat orang lain. Kemudian mengambil keputusan dalam kehidupan atas pertimbangan fikiran sendiri yang bebas dan atas tanggung-jawab sendiri.

* * *

Ini bukan kuliah . . kataku pada putri-putri dan cucu-cucu kami serta suami mereka. . . SEKADAR PENGALAMAN HIDUP SEBAGAI SUAMI ISTRI .

* * *

PEMILU DI BAWAH "ORLA" DAN PEMILU DI BAWAH ORDE BARU

Kolom Ibrahim Isa
Sabtu, 22 Maret 2014
-------------------------------

PEMILU DI BAWAH "ORLA"
DAN PEMILU DI BAWAH ORDE BARU

*    *    *


Tergugah oleh komentar sejarawan, Hoesein Rushdy sekitar pemilu yad,
Aku terdorong menulis respons di bawah ini:

Pemilu yang paling JURDIL dan paling aman dan DEMOKRATIS DI INDONESIA MERDEKA berlangsung di zaman "ORLA" di bawah Presiden Sukarno (1955) . . .

Pemilu yang paling anti-demokratis, dan sejak semula direkayasa oleh penguasa, berlangsung di bawah rezim Orde Baru Presiden Suharto, 1970 dst . . .
PENAK JAMANKU . . TOOOKH . . .???

*    *    *

SEABAD SIAUW GIOK TJHAN ------------ PEJUANG KEMERDEKAAN DAN PEMBANGUNAN BANGSA Siauw Giok Tjhan Adalah Salah Seorang Pahlawan Nasional Indonesia

Kolom IBRAHIM ISA
Jum'at, 21 Maret 2014
----------------------------

SEABAD SIAUW GIOK TJHAN ------------
PEJUANG KEMERDEKAAN DAN PEMBANGUNAN BANGSA

Siauw Giok Tjhan Adalah Salah Seorang Pahlawan Nasional Indonesia

* * *

Lusa, 23 Maret, 2014, genap SEABAD ULTAH SIAUW GIOK TJHAN.
Masyarakat di Jakarta, a.l alumni URECA dan GEMA-INTI, akan memperingati tokoh pejuang kemerdekaan dan pembangunan bangsa ini.

Sumbangsih Siauw Giok Than untuk perjuangan kemerdekaan bangsa dan tanah air serta dalam pembangunan nasion Indonesia, dilakukannya seumur hidup. Siapapun, apakah itu namanya Jendral Suharto dan seluruh rezim Orde Baru, tidak mungkin menghapuskan fakta ini dari sejarah bangsa.

* * *

Untuk menghormat dan mengenangkan pahlawan nasional yang sesunggguhnya, Siauw Giok Tjhan , disiarkan kembali tulisanku yang lalu:

* * *

SAMBUTAN BERKENAAN DENGAN TERBITNYA BUKU TENTANG SIAUW GIOK TJHAN DAN BAPERKI, 28 Mei 2000.
Kemarin baru saja saya menerima dari Dr. Siauw Tiong Djin (Melbourne) dan
Oey Hai Djoen (Jakarta), kiriman sebuah buku berjudul:




SUMBANGNSIH SIAUW GIOK TJHAN dan
BAPERKI dalam SEJARAH INDONESIA

Buku ini diterbitkan oleh Penerbit HASTA MITRA, Jakarta Mei 2000. Buku ini, menurut penerbitnya, merupakan kumpulan artikel, makalah dan pidato yang pernah dipersembahkan tentang Siauw Giok Tjhan dan Baperki. Tidak kurang dari Pidato Bung Karno pada HUT-Baperki (Maret-1963), yang tampil sebagai Kata Pengantar buku penting ini. Sesudah diterbitkannya buku berjudul Siauw Giok Tjhan Perjuangan Seorang Patriot Membangun Nasion Indonesia dan Masyrakat Bhinneka Tunggal Ika pada bulan Maret 1999, yang juga diterbitkan oleh Penerbit Hasta Mitra, Jakarta, penerbitan buku ini adalah suatu usaha yang secara obyektif, melakukan penelitian dan penilaian mengenai peranan tokoh nasional progresif Siauw Giok Tjhan dan Baperki.



* * *



Penerbitkan buku ini merupakan salah satu usaha yang nyata untuk melakukan
penelitian dan penulisan yang obyektif dan ilmiah mengenai sejarah bangsa
kita, umumnya, dan khususnya mengenai peranan suku Tionghoa di dalamnya,
yang selama 32 tahun Orba, sudah begitu direkayasa dan dipalsu secara
kasar.Tidak berkelebihan kiranya , untuk menilai usaha penulis-penulisnya,
khususnya, Dr Siauw Tiong Djin dan penerbit Hasta Mitra, sebagai usaha untuk
MELURUSKAN PENULISAN SEJARAH BANGSA KITA.

Bab Pertama mempersembahkan rangkuman sejarah perjuangan dan sumbangsih Siauw Giok Tjhan. Diantara penulisnya adalah Dr Siauw Tiong Djin, Dan Lev, Yap Thiam Hien, Joesoef Iskak.



Bab kedua mementaskan perdebatan antara assimiliasi dan integrasi.
Penulisnya a.l. terdiri dari Chan Chung Tak, Sahetapy, Romo Magnies, Karlina
Leksono-Supelli, Daniel Sparingga. Bab ketiga merupakan kesimpulan tulisan berbagai tokoh dan akhli menggambarkan kesan-kesan pribadi mereka tentang ketokohan Siauw Giok Tjhan. Mereka itu, a.l. adalah Mary Somers Heidhues, Charles Coppel, Ong Hok Ham, Ferry Sonneville, Arief Budiman dan Mohamad Sobari.




Dalam Bab ketiga itu juga, Ibrahim Isa, yang mengenal Siauw dengan baik,
menulis kenangan pribadi dan harapannya agar Siauw diterima dan diakui
sebagai salah seorang pahlawan nasional Indonesia. Ibrahim Isa, bermaksud
untuk mengajukan fikiran dan usulnya itu, langsung kepada Presiden Gus Dur.
Selain Siauw Giok Tjhan, juga tokoh-tokoh nasional lainnya yang berasal dari
suku Tionghoa, yang telah memberikan sumbangsihnya pada pembangunan nasion Indonesia, juga akan diusulkannya, untuk dengan sungguh-sungguh
dipertimbangkan oleh Presiden Gus Dur, untuk diakui dan diterima sebagai
salah seorang pahlawan nasional, seperti Yap Tiam Hien, Tan Ling Djie, dan
Lim Koen Hian.




Bab keempat menampilkan sambutan-sambutan, a.l. dari Indarto, Dra. Miriam
Nainggolan, Marzuki Darusman dan Ge Gien Tjwan.




Bab kelima menampilkan kumpulan artikel yang pernah diterbitkan media
Indonesia mengenai Siauw Giok Tjhan dan Baperki.




* * *



Saya menyatakan sependapat dan seharapan dengan Penerbit Hasta Mitra, agar
buku ini menjadi sebuah sumbangan untuk generasi muda yang kian gigih
memperjuangkan perwudjudan civil society-masyarakat sipil- yang menjunjung tinggi prinsip-prinsip demokrasi dan yang tidak mengenal adanya diskriminasi
rasial.




Untuk jelasnya, usul saya agar tokoh Siauw Giok Tjhan diterima dan diakui sebagai salah seorang pahlawan nasioal Indoneisia, berikut ini dikutip tulisan tsb yang tercantum dalam buku yang dibicarakan dalam tulisan ini, sbb:



bagian terakhir dari tulisan saya itu, “tertinggal”. Tidak termuat dalam
buku. Maka pengutipan lengkap juga dimaksudkan sebagai “erata” terhadap buku tsb. Harap Hasta Mitra maklum adanya.>




Siauw Giok Tjhan,
Salah Seorang Pahlawan Nasional Indonesia

Dalam melihat peranan beliau dalam perjuangan bangsa Indonesia untuk mencapai kemerdekaan, keadilan sosial dan kemakmuran, ada pandangan yang
pertama-tama memberikan stempel Komunis pada beliau. Cara memandang yang agak 'umum' seperti itu adalah setali tiga uang dengan pandangan dan sikap serta kultur Orba. Tidaklah keliru untuk menyatakan bahwa sikap dan
pendirian seperti itu, sama dengan pendirian, sikap dan tindak-tanduk para pengikut 'Mc Carthy-isme' pada periode berkecamuknya pengejaran terhadap kaum komunis di Amerika Serikat, pada awal 'perang dingin', kurang lebih 50 tahun yang lalu.

Teringat saya belasan tahun yang lalu, saat saya bertemu kembali dengan Bung
Siauw, ketika beliau terpaksa hijrah ke Belanda, sesudah mengalami pembuian
belasan tahun dalam penjara rezim Suharto. Antara lain beliau menuturkan
pengalaman beliau, yang tanpa tuduhan ditangkap dan kemudian dipenjarakan
oleh Orba. Beliau begitu saja dijebloskan dalam penajara, padahal ketika itu
beliau adalah anggota DPA dan anggota DPR-GR. Bung Siauw mengenangkan
kembali: Pertanyaan yang pertama-tama diajukan oleh para interogator intel
fihak militer secara berulang-kali ialah, apakah beliau itu anggota PKI;
apakah mengetahui sebelumnya tentang G30S. Setelah dijawab tegas bahwa
beliau bukan anggota PKI dan tidak tahu menahu sebelumnya mengenai G30S,
para interogator menyecar terus. Mereka lalu memperlihatkan pelbagai skema
beserta nama-nama personil dalam organisasi PKI, dan lagi-lagi,
bertubi-tubi menanyakan kepada Bung Siauw, dimana tempat beliau dalam skema organisasi PKI itu.




Siauw tetap pada jawabannya semula. Lalu para interogator itu secara
konklusif memastikan bahwa yang bernama Siauw Giok Tjhan, Ketua Baperki,
adalah anggota penting PKI yang 'tertutup'. Maksud fihak militer ialah
hendak melibatkan Bung Siauw dan Baperki yang dipimpinnya dalam peristiwa G30S. Merekayasa 'pembuktian keterlibatan' dengan G30S, siapa saja yang
melawan politik Orba ataupun tidak sejalan dengan politik Orba, adalah cara
pokok aparat Orba untuk melakukan persekusi fihak yang dituduhnya .




Ada baiknya saya sampaikan disini sekelumit kesaksian, bahwa Bung Siauw
samasekali tidak tahu menahu tentang apa yang terjadi pada 1 Oktober 1965
itu. Ketika itu kebetulan saya ada di Jakarta untuk Konferensi Internasional Anti Pangkalan-Pangkalan Militer Asing (KI A PPMA). Saya bermalam di Wisma Warta. Pagi tanggal 11 Oktober,1966, Bung Siauw dan Bung Asmara Hadi (ketika itu Ketua Partindo), mencari saya di Wisma Warta. Tampak sekali dalam keadaan kebingungan, mereka berdua menanyakan kepada saya, apa yang telah terjadi pada tanggal 1 Oktober itu dan selanjutnya akan ada apa lagi. Sayapun tidak mampu memberikan jawaban, karena, sama saja dengan mereka, juga saya tidak tahu situasi.




Amat disayangkan bahwa diantara mereka yang sampai detik ini, sudah
sedemikian 'termakan' oleh 'hantu Komunisme' atau 'bahaya laten PKI',
terdapat juga orang-orang yang sesugguhnya tergolong orang yang
berpengetahuan dan berilmu. Apakah seseorang itu komunis atau tidak,
simpatisan komunis atau tidak, itulah yang dijadikan sebagai tolok ukur
untuk menilai apakah seseorang itu 'orang baik' atau tidak, memiliki
kebenaran atau tidak.

Orang-orang yang seluruh pandangan dan fikirannya didominasi oleh fikiran
anti-Komunis itu, menjadi buta politik dan buta sejarah. Mengapa saya
katakan orang demkian itu buta politik dan buta sejarah. Sebabnya ialah,
karena 'pahlawan-pahlawan anti-komunis' itu sudah kehilangan kemampuan
untuk dengan obyektif melihat kenyataan dan kebenaran, bahwa kegiatan
Siauw Giok Tjhan sebagai manusia dan sebagai pejuang politik, pertama-tama dan yang terutama, adalah kegiatan perjuangan untuk kemerdekaan nasional bangsanya sendiri, bangsa Indonesia yang dicintainya dengan sepenuh hati.




Seumur hidupnya apa yang dilakukan Siauw Giok Tjhan adalah memberikan
sumbangannya pada usaha besar pembinaan nasion Indonesia, kepada perjuangan untuk usaha menegakkan keadilan bagi semua, bagi setiap warganegara Indonesia.




Sebagai seorang intelektual Indonesia keturunan Tionghoa, beliau menyadari
betul bahwa perjuangan untuk kemerdekaan nasional dan keadilan sosial, amat
bertalian erat dengan perjuangan untuk sama-hak bagi orang-orang Tionghoa
warganegara Indonesia yang sudah turun-temurun hidup bermukim di negeri ini, dan yang tidak sedikit diantaranya secara fisik dan kulturil sudah
berintegrasi dan berbaur dengan orang-orang pribumi. Secara naluriah mereka
sudah menjadikan Indonesia sebagai negerinya sendiri. Beliau melihat dan
menyadari bahwa orang-orang Tionghoa serta keturunan Tionghoa tsb merupakan bagian yang tak terpisahkan dari kehidupan, pertumbuhan dan perkembangan ekonomi Indonesia. Di bidang ekonomi, berbeda dengan modal monopoli asing, modal mereka adalah modal domestik yang memainkan peranan positif dalam perkembangan ekonomi nasional.




Beliau melihat kekuatan ekonomi yang terkandung di dalam masyarakat
keturunan Tionghoa Indonesia. Dan bahwa sekali kekuatan ekonomi ini berpadu dan dibimbing oleh kesadaran nasional yang mantap, maka ia akan merupakan kekuatan pendorong yang ampuh dalam perkembangan dan pertumbuhan selanjutnya ekonomi nasional Indonesia.




Beliau mengemban keyakinan yang tak tergoyahkan bahwa perasaan naluriah
dari o r ang-orang Tionghoa dan keturunan Tionghoa yang sudah menjadikan
Indonesia sebagai negerinya sendiri, khususnya yang sudah menjadi
warganegara Indonesia yang sah menurut hukum, perlu ditingkatkan menjadi
kesadaran politik yang mantap akan ke-Indonesiannya itu. Itulah sebabnya
Bung Siauw mencurahkan perhatian dan kegiatannya untuk mencapai tujuan tsb.




Beliau menolak konsep 'asimilasi' antara keturunan Tionghoa dengan bangsa
Indonesia yang 'pribumi', sebagai suatu jalan untuk memecahkan 'masalah
minoritas etnis Tionghoa'. Karena di dalam konsep asimilasi itu dirasakan
terkandung faktor keharusan yang bersangkutan meninggalkan tradisi bangsa
dan kultur asal-muasal mereka. Siauw menganggapnya sebagai sesuatu yang
tidak sesuai dengan prinsip "Bhinneka Tunggal Eka", prinsip yang selama ini
menjadi dasar negara Republik Indonesia, dimana setiap suku bangsa dari
nasion Indonesia, tetap mempertahankan dan bahkan mengembangkan tradisi dan kultur daerahnya, sambil bersama-sama seluruh nasion membangun tradisi dan kultur Indonesia secara nasional.




Menyadari perlunya ada wadah organisasi untuk memperjuangkan keyakinan politiknya, maka bersama dengan pejuang-pejuang integrasi lainnya, beliau
ambil bagian penting dalam mendirikan BAPERKI.




Nama Siauw Giok Tjhan tidak bisa dipisahkan dari sejaarah perjuangan
seluruh rakyat Indonesia untuk mencapai kemerdekaan nasional, untuk
keadilan sosial dan melawan diskriminasi rasial. Seluruh hidup beliau telah
disumbangkannya untuk cita-cita luhur tersebut.




Bangsa kita memiliki tidak sedikit pahlawan nasional, yaitu tokoh-tokoh
perjuangan yang telah memberikan teladan sepanjang hidupnya, tanpa pamrih
memperuntukkan yang paling berharga dari hidup mereka untuk kepentingan
seluruh bangsa, yang telah memberikan sumbangan besar dalam perjuangan
kemerdekaan, persamaan-hak dan pembangunan nasion Indonesia.


Siauw Giok Tjhan adalah salah seorang dari pahlawan nasional itu.


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