Sunday, March 30, 2014

IBRAHIM ISA'S FOCUS THE 2014 INDONESIAS PRESIDENTS ELECTION

IBRAHIM ISA'S FOCUS
THE 2014 INDONESIAS PRESIDENTS ELECTION
Thursday, March, 28, 2014
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New Survey Shows Joko Widodo, PDI-P Remaining Most Popular


Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo speaks about his presidential campaign in Bandar Lampung on March 22, 2014. (SP Photo/ Joanito De Saojoao)
Jakarta. The electability of Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo remains the highest among this year’s crop of presidential hopefuls with a new survey showing that he garners more than 37 percent of the support, leaving his contenders behind, but still shy of the 50 percent support needed to take the race in a single election.
A survey conducted by Charta Politika this month showed that Joko’s electability was as high as 37.4 percent, far exceeding Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) founder Prabowo Subianto, who enjoys 14.5 percent support.
Golkar Party chairman Aburizal Bakrie only drew 9.9 percent support despite repeated assertions that his only contenders were Prabowo and the now-sidelined Megawati Sukarnoputri.
“The tendency is that Jokowi is accepted by all circles. This can be seen across gender and age groups, educational background, income level, profession and geographic origin,” Charta Politika executive director Yunarto Wijaya said in Jakarta on Wednesday, referring to Joko by his popular nickname.
The survey showed that eligible voters mainly found out about presidential and vice presidential hopefuls from television with around 90.9 percent of them saying that they got information from television advertisements. Political advertisements pushing the candidacy of Aburizal, who owns a media empire that includes television stations and news sites, were seen by 35.2 percent of the respondents. People’s Conscience Party (Hanura) chairman Wiranto pulled similar numbers, with 24.6 percent of the respondents saying they have seen his ads. The former Indonesian army general is running with Hary Tanoesoedibjo — the media mogul behind the MNC Group.
Prabowo’s advertisements, which have received heavy play on television despite lacking a stake in a station, were seen by 17.7 percent of the survey’s respondents.
But just seeing the advertisements doesn’t equate to a boost at the polls, Yunarto said. The survey found that of the 87.4 percent of the respondents who saw Golkar’s ads, only 17.2 percent would vote for that party, while 21.1 percent indicated that they would vote for the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).
Of the 87.2 percent respondents who saw Gerindra’s ads, only 12.7 percent said they would vote for the party, while as many as 21.2 percent said they would vote for the PDI-P.
Yunarto said the survey corroborated a similar survey in December last year, in which PDI-P garnered 15.8 percent support, Golkar 12.6 percent, and Gerindra 7.8 percent support.
“These three parties are predicted to become frontrunners in the 2014 legislative election,” Yunarto said.
He cited results showing other parties, such as the Democratic Party with around 8 percent support, followed by the National Awakening Party (PKB) with 7.2 percent.
The United Development Party (PPP) enjoyed 5.1 percent support, Hanura (4.8 percent), National Mandate Party (PAN) (4.5 percent), and Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) with around 3.2 percent.

Indonesia Presidential Election May Not Answer Investors’ Prayers



A General Election Commission (KPU) official prepares ballot boxes and polling materials in Bangkalan, Madura island in East Java on March 26, 2014. (AFP Photo/Juni Kriswanto)
Singapore. The 10 percent jump in Indonesia’s stock market this year is a case of investors’ hopes triumphing over experience.
The coal, mineral and palm-oil exporter rode last decade’s commodities boom. Now the Chinese demand that fueled it is fading. The economy’s other engine — domestic consumption — is also slowing.
Financial investors, though, are betting on a hard reset. They hope Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo, the favorite to win July’s presidential poll, will restart stalled reforms, making the world’s fourth most-populous nation a strong contender for more investment.
Expectations were similarly high when current President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono came to power 10 years ago. He presided over the high-growth years, but accomplished little in terms of reform. To fare better, Jokowi — as Joko is commonly known — will need a tight grip on the legislature. Next month’s parliamentary polls will determine whether he gets that wish. The party’s poor performance in 2009 is a reason to be cautious.
Besides, there is a worrying lack of urgency for reform. Last summer’s balance-of-payment wobbles have ceased. Higher interest rates have stabilized the rupiah. Now that there is no immediate crisis, the liberalization of the foreign investment regime promised late last year is also delayed.
Not only is progress glacial, but the direction keeps shifting. Last year, DBS was forced to abandon a bid to acquire control of an Indonesian lender after the central bank in Jakarta came up with new ownership guidelines that seemed tailor-made to block the Singaporean investor. This year, the government slapped a mistimed ban on exports of unprocessed minerals. Now Jakarta wants to cancel 60 bilateral investment treaties, the Financial Times reported on March 26.
Fulfilling its growth potential requires Indonesia to eschew unhealthy nationalism, check pervasive corruption and step up investment in infrastructure, health and education. It took a collapse of 8 percent-plus growth for policymakers in India to realize that it is harder to sustain a love affair with investors than to start one. A win for Jokowi could see a surge of optimism similar to the one that India witnessed five years ago. The disappointment, too, could be equally painful.

Ex-generals jockey for
VP nod

Several prominent retired Indonesian Military (TNI) generals have flocked to the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), hoping to be selected by party chairwoman Megawati Soekarnoputri as the running mate for the party’s presidential candidate, Joko “Jokowi” Widodo.

PDI-P politicians have suggested that a few high-profile retired TNI generals would make a strong vice presidential pick, as would civilian leaders such as former vice president Jusuf Kalla, Bank Indonesia Governor Agus Martowardojo, tycoon Chairul Tanjung, former House of Representatives speaker Akbar Tandjung and former Constitutional Court chief justice Mahfud MD.

But in recent days, Megawati appears to have warmed to the idea of having someone with a military or police background share the ticket with Jokowi.

A source close to Megawati said the chairwoman had nixed the idea of choosing Kalla. Megawati had been eyeing three former generals: the 63-year-old former Army chief of staff, Ryamizard Ryacudu, the 66-year-old former Army Education and Training commander, Luhut Panjaitan, and the 62-year-old former National Police chief, Da’i Bachtiar.

Other sources within the PDI-P confirmed that Megawati had narrowed down her choice to between Ryamizard and Luhut.

Megawati is said to have dropped Da’i from the list even though he is known to have close ties with top PDI-P figures. Da’i was dismissed from his position as National Police chief by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in 2005, two years before his retirement.

Both Ryamizard and Luhut have close ties to Megawati. Ryamizard and his father, Brig. Gen. (ret) Ryacudu, have been reported to be loyalists to the Sukarno family.

Ryamizard was promoted to be the Army chief of staff in 2002 under Megawati’s presidential administration and shortly before Megawati left office in 2004, Ryamizard was nominated to become TNI commander.

But Megawati’s successor, Yudhoyono, passed on Ryamizard for the top post, instead picking air chief marshal Djoko Suyanto, who is now coordinating political, legal, and security affairs minister and one of Yudhoyono’s closest confidants.

Luhut, meanwhile, has made no secret of his ambition to get a spot on the ticket. He held a press conference only hours after the PDI-P announced Jokowi’s presidential nomination, praising Megawati for the decision.

Luhut is now the deputy chairman of the Golkar Party’s advisory council.

As a Christian and a native of North Sumatra, Luhut is also expected to be able to attract votes from minority groups and non-Javanese citizens, although his background could also drive away Muslim voters.

Luhut told The Jakarta Post he was vying to be Jokowi’s running mate. “It’s all up to Megawati.”

Analysts have said that a PDI-P retired general vice presidential candidate could backfire.

“The PDI-P could lose its support from Papua if Ryamizard was nominated as vice presidential candidate because some of the most atrocious military operations in the region were carried out under his leadership,” said a human rights advocate from the organization Imparsial, Al Araf.

Several PDI-P executives, however, also hinted at the possibility of TNI Commander Gen. Moeldoko being nominated as Jokowi’s running mate.

Moeldoko has indicated uncertainty as to whether he would become Jokowi’s running mate should he be offered a spot on the presidential ticket. “If I were to refuse the offer then everybody would call me
arrogant but if I said yes, well the fact is that I am still carrying out my duty as the military commander. Therefore, I would focus my energy on the latter right now,” Moeldoko told the Post.

Meanwhile, hundreds of retired military officers declared their support for the presidential bid of Gerindra chief patron Prabowo Subianto, a former commander of the Army’s Special Forces (Kopassus). Among those pledging support is Lt. Gen. (ret) Yunus Yosfiah — a former Kopassus captain during Indonesia’s 1975 invasion of East Timor.

Dicky Christanto also contributes to the story

Tension Bubbles Amid Charges of ‘Black Campaigns’ Targeting Jakarta Governor


Members of the New Jakarta People’s Coalition hold signs reading ‘Jokowi Lies’ during a protest in the capital on March 25, 2014. (JG Photo/Safir Makki)
Jakarta. Political tension escalated following the decision by the biggest opposition party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) to name the hugely popular Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo as its presidential candidate, with doubts looming over his ability to rule the country.
Joko’s nomination was the latest blow to the partnership betweeen between PDI-P and the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) — which already showed signs of unraveling in the months after Joko’s successful bid for the Jakarta governor’s seat. Gerindra founder and presidential hopeful Prabowo Subianto has publicly accused PDI-P chairwoman Megawati Sukarnoputri of violating a 2009 political agreement — dubbed the Batu Tulis Pact — under which the opposition party pledged support for Prabowo’s presidential bid in 2014.
The two previously ran a failed campaign together in the 2009 presidential election. Later, in 2012, they linked up again as their two parties formed a coalition that helped Joko secure the Jakarta governorship — a move many believed foreshadowed another political partnership for the 2014 presidential race.
Prabowo took a moment from stumping last Sunday to recite a poem before a packed house at the capital’s Gelora Bung Karno Stadium. The poem implored Indonesians to not vote for a “liar” or a leader who was well-mannered but dishonest in a not-so-subtle jab at the down-to-earth Jakarta governor. The act drew controversy, with some claiming the former lieutenant general behaved petulantly by displaying his fear. Previously Prabowo, in another apparent attack against Joko, had cautioned voters not to choose a “puppet presidential candidate.”
However, some said Prabowo’s actions were still in line with common political maneuvering. The former Kopassus special forces leader warning regarding “puppet presidential candidate” was typical of Indonesian campaigning and should not be classified as a “black campaign,” said Umar S. Bakrie, secretary general of the Indonesian Research and Public Opinion Association (Aropi).
“Revealing the opponent’s track record, like Gerindra’s chairman did, should be classified as political education because it would enlighten voters,” Umar said, adding that Prabowo’s strong statements were nothing out of the ordinary. “The public needs to monitor potential leaders closely by scouring through their track records and moral integrity. The people of Indonesia are easily swayed by popularity, which can be the product of a manufactured public image.”
For others the motivations behind Joko’s presidential nod by PDI-P chairwoman Megawati, a woman who, in all likelihood, would have made another run for Istana Merdeka, raise suspicions. Megawati must have a hidden agenda in nominating Joko, Maswadi Rauf, political analyst from University of Indonesia, said.
The political analyst described Megawati’s management of her political party as similar to the way she treats her family; she rarely trusts anyone outside her inner circle to hold a strategic position and often single-handedly makes the tactical decisions for the PDI-P, according to a report in the political news portal Gresnews.com.
He said the party should have learned from past experience that leadership should be a collegial effort.
Still, the fear that Joko may become a puppet president is not entirely baseless, said Agung Suprio, a political communications expert. The Jakarta governor is known to be a faithful supporter of both Megawati and her party.
“The impression of a puppet president was triggered by the fact that Joko is unbelievably obedient to Megawati,” Agung said. “In a political party where nepotism prevails, Joko managed to be named the presidential candidate because he was able to please its chairman.”
Joko’s blind faith could affect the way he runs the country if he was elected president, Agung warned.
“There is fear that Joko will lack independence in making decisions, especially on policies that would heavily impact a large number of people,” he said.
Maswadi echoed the sentiment, warning that if Joko became president, there is a possibility that Megawati would be right behind him, controlling his every move.
Another political analyst, Indria Samego, shared a different view, saying that Megawati has shown a significant change by naming Joko as a candidate.
In the 2009 election, he said, the chairwoman obviously controlled her political party with an iron grip. But Megawati gradually demonstrated that she was willing to delegate important tasks and hand over some power to another figure.
“This is a very significant change, and, therefore, we should not assume the worst,” Indria said.
The Indonesian Youth Front for Struggle (FPPI) said it was too soon to assume that Joko would be a puppet of Megawati. FPPI head Ferry Widodo added that someone as intelligent as Joko would not let himself be easily manipulated by anyone, including the head of the PDI-P.
Joko himself said he believes Indonesian voters were mature enough to resist provocation through attempts to smear his character, adding that he was quite familiar with malicious political maneuvers by his opponents.
“Attacks have happened during my first and second election in Solo and during the gubernatorial election in Jakarta, I am used to being insulted, I will not respond to such things,” Joko said. “Our people are not stupid, they are intelligent enough, they know what to do.”
Prior to Joko’s entry in the presidential race, Prabowo was seen as the candidate to beat. However, many say his bid could end before it begins due to a lack of party support. The PDI-P won 14 percent of the vote in 2009, while Gerindra only garnered 4.5 percent.
Analysts say Prabowo may have burned his bridges with the PDI-P by glorifying his role in last year’s Jakarta gubernatorial race. Although she did not mention Prabowo by name, Megawati blasted “free riders” taking credit for Joko’s victory.
A group named the New Jakarta Advocacy Team, which supported Joko and his deputy Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, in their gubernatorial campaign in 2012, said last week that they would file a lawsuit against Joko for accepting the presidential nomination. The team demanded that Joko remains in his post until the end of his term in 2017. But another group, the Jokowi National Secretariat, said the lawsuit was a blatant attempt to smear the governor.
Regardless, voters will likely see more of this in the coming months. Public disappointment over Joko’s decision to mount a presidential bid less than half-way through his term as governor of Jakarta could serve as ammunition for his political rivals, Firman Noor, a political analyst from the Indonesia Institute of Sciences (LIPI), said. The verbal attacks are mainly aimed at Joko’s integrity, who during his gubernatorial campaign promised to serve as governor for the full five-year term and to help overcome Jakarta’s problems.


Two different eras, two
different populists

Aboeprijadi Santoso, Jakarta | Opinion | Fri, March 28 2014, 10:27 AM
With popular Jakarta Governor Joko “Jokowi” Widodo entering the country’s highest political contest, Indonesia has proceeded through a new era of populism amid the half-hearted transition from the New Order toward the consolidation of democracy.

Since there has basically never been a genuine break in terms of ideology and political structure since the 1998 Reformasi (Reformation), not surprisingly, many patterns of political leadership and actions have been both retained and renewed, shaping a curious mixture of old and new characteristics.

Nowhere has this been more obvious than with the contradiction between two populist leaders now competing to lead the nation: Jokowi and Prabowo Subianto.

The 2014 elections — some of the biggest in the world, with 180 million eligible voters for some 20,000 regional and national representatives — could, for better or worse, be the promise of a break with the recent past. A promise — that could either be fulfilled or broken.

The time has passed when those with celebrated roles during the independence struggle were destined to rule the state and guide the nation.

With it, patterns of rule and leadership, with which the ruling elite kept their domination by dynamic interaction between state and political parties’ mass mobilization, have gone.

The time has also passed for the system that replaced it, which came through mass violence, and went on with threats justified by ideological hegemony and was maintained by repressive stability and economic development.

Today, a transition toward decentralization and growing markets in the regions have resulted in new patterns. Political leaders and legislators now depend on resources from political and business sectors, and hence they are no longer only controlled by party bosses.  

The pendulum has thus swung to local and national groups of wealthy capitalists and oligarchs, the residue of generals from a foregone era, and ambitious nationalist and religion-based political leaders dominating the contest for the state and presidency.

But they all built their resources during the decade of a president, the first in history, who acquired full, if formal, legitimacy for having been directly elected for two consecutive periods, yet has largely failed to use it to better the prospects of the nation.

True, there has been impressive economic growth and political stability. But the last decade also demonstrated an intensely felt time of crisis as a result of the ubiquitous corruption, rising sectarianism, indecisive leadership and apparent decline of national cohesiveness. Even democracy was blamed when things were running wild.

All in all, it has resulted in what is increasingly seen — rightly or wrongly — as the need of strong state leadership, clean political leaders and a sort of national re-awakening.

Both Jokowi and in particular Prabowo have made a lot out of this. Both — aged 52 and 62 respectively — grew up during the New Order era, but learned different lessons, and effectively took quite different fruit from it.

The owner of a local furniture business, Jokowi entered bureaucracy as he was elected to lead a medium-sized city and became popular as he took his job seriously and succeeded in gaining public faith.

As in Surakarta, in Jakarta he has come to be seen as “one of us” by men and women on the streets.

Many may be skeptical of his capability to lead the nation since the urban problems he faced will
not provide him with the best framework with which to lead the nation, but his supporters and others have welcomed this precisely as a great challenge for a new leader in new era.

Jokowi comes from a simple family, not from a “who’s who” of public figures. Little, if any, public concern has been expressed about him simply because he is known as being clean of corruption. Above all, he is clean of human rights violations, of which the New Order has been most notorious.

In almost all of these respects, Prabowo has been the exact opposite of Jokowi. A former military leader turned politician who was brought up abroad, versus a homegrown local merchant turned bureaucrat-cum-politician.

Prabowo has never been active in public service other than the military, nor has he ever been elected to any political office. He comes from a well-known aristocratic family — the grandson of a hero and proud son of a renowned economist, once involved in a regional rebellion.

A former general, the only general ever sacked by the corps in the nation’s history, and former son-in-law of the late president Soeharto, he has been politically raised from the very heart of the New Order.

Thus, Prabowo could not have known what it’s like to live a simple life, build a career from the bottom up and be elected for public office — just as Jokowi could hardly imagine what it’s like to be a privileged son and a notorious general allegedly involved in war crimes in Aceh and East Timor.

Jokowi is a native son loyal to his homeland in the way Prabowo never was, as the latter once sought a year-long refuge abroad in self-exile in Jordan.

Jokowi played by the rules of the game, while Prabowo repeatedly and proudly expressed regret for not having attempted a coup d’├ętat when Soeharto resigned. Witnesses, however, said he did attempt it, but failed.

Prabowo never indicated any interest in finding activists who went missing between 1997-1998, for which he was responsible, while Jokowi seems curious about the fate of the missing poet Wiji Thukul and his friends.

If Jokowi has grown popular as a modest but successful bureaucrat, Prabowo has become a wealthy and successful patron of his political party. One grew from the bottom of society, the other from the very heart of state power.

These differences are significant and have historical parallels. Like the first and fourth presidents, Sukarno and Abdurrahman Wahid, Jokowi is a product of the dynamic of his time and the grassroots community that he comes from.

Prabowo, like Soeharto, almost exclusively spent his life and career within the military apparatus and derived his drive and spirit from it. Indeed his party captains have publicly expressed sympathy with Soeharto‘s rule.

This is not just a matter of person and personality. It is Indonesia’s recent history that made them what they are.

Moreover, the legacy of the New Order and President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s administration has shaped conditions in which Jokowi’s and Prabowo’s populist drive could grow.

Jokowi’s background and journey may be a sign of a new era — just as Prabowo’s resemble a recent past. One may represent hope while the other represents fear, or a dubious mix of both.

The writer is a journalist living in the Netherlands.

Labor unions join forces
to support Jokowi’s candidacy

Two leading labor unions – the Confederation of Indonesian Prosperity Labor Union (KSBSI) and the Confederation of All-Indonesian Workers Union (KSPSI) –- on Thursday announced their full support for the presidential bid of Jakarta Governor Joko “Jokowi” Widodo.
“We, the two leading worker unions, declare our support to Jokowi as a president. Jokowi will be able to show his extraordinary performance to fight for workers rights in the future,” said KSPSI president Andi Ghani in a declaration event in Matraman, East Jakarta, on Thursday, as quoted by kompas.com.
Andi went on to say that during his leadership of the capital, Jokowi had shown he supported workers rights. For example, he increased the provincial minimum wage by 40 percent in 2012. The wage hike, he said, had become a barometer for other regions.
Andi dared to predict that the joint declaration of the two worker unions, which have 21 unions nationwide under their umbrella, meant Jokowi would win the 2014 presidential election.
“We have calculated that there will be around 7 to 8 million labor votes for Jokowi. We are sure that Jokowi will win in only one round,” said Andi.
Nevertheless, the unions said, they would keep monitoring Jokowi’s work performance, especially regarding workers rights.
“We do not just support him but also will criticize him if during his leadership as president, he lacks attention to workers rights,” said KSBSI president Mudhofir.
Declarations of worker support for Jokowi are also planned for Banjarmasin, Batam, Cilegon, Lampung Medan, and other cities. (idb/ebf)

Moeldoko not sure he would
accept VP offer

Indonesian Military Commander Gen. Moeldoko has indicated uncertainty as to whether he would become Joko "Jokowi" Widodo's running mate should he be offered a spot on the presidential ticket.
Moeldoko's name was recently included as one of seven put forth as contenders by senior Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) member Maruarar Sirait.
“If I were to refuse the offer then everybody would call me arrogant but if I said yes, well the fact is that I am still carrying out my duty as the military commander. Therefore, I would focus my energy on the latter right now,” Moeldoko told The Jakarta Post on Thursday.
When asked whether his answer would remain the same if he were asked few months from now, Moeldoko insisted that his only desire would be to continue leading the military.
Moeldoko’s name has been mentioned along with former army chief of staff Gen. (ret) Ryamizard Ryacudu and former army educational and training commander Gen. (ret) Luhut Panjaitan as military men being considered by PDI-P to run as Jokowi’s VP candidate.
Besides these military figures, other names like former Constitutional Court chief justice Mahfud MD, Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) chairman Abraham Samad and former VP Jusuf Kalla are also being considered.



Prabowo Reads Poem Attacking ‘Liars,’ Gerindra Still Open to PDI-P Coalition


Prabowo Subianto (C), the presidential candidate for the Great Indonesia Movement (Gerindra), waves from a jeep to supporters as he campaigns ahead of the legislative elections in Jakarta on March 23, 2014. (AFP Photo/Adek Berry)
Jakarta. The Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) has said a coalition with its one-time ally and now biggest rival, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) is still possible, despite escalating political tension and obvious competition.
Gerindra chairman Suhardi said on Monday that the party was still open to a coalition with any political party, including with the PDI-P.
“The most important thing is whether or not the party will be able to respect our party’s platform,” Suhardi said when asked by journalists whether Gerindra had completely ruled out the possibility of forming a coalition with the PDI-P.
Speculation about a falling-out between the two parties was sparked after the PDI-P officially named the wildly popular Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo as the party’s presidential candidate.
Gerindra’s founder and presidential hopeful, Prabowo Subianto, accused PDI-P chairwoman Megawati Sukarnoputri of violating a 2009 political agreement — dubbed the Batu Tulis Pact — under which the PDI-P pledged support for Prabowo’s presidential bid in 2014.
Megawati and Prabowo previously ran a losing campaign together in the 2009 presidential election. Later, in 2012, they linked up again, as their two parties formed a coalition that helped Joko secure the Jakarta governorship — a move many believed foreshadowed another political partnership for the 2014 presidential race.
The political ties between Prabowo and Megawati soured soon after, however, after Megawati expressed anger with him for supposedly taking credit for Joko’s victory in the capital.
The PDI-P’s decision to nominate Joko is a profound blow to Prabowo’s campaign to win the presidency, which various polls showed was the most likely outcome if he ran in a field that did not include the fiercely popular Jakarta governor.
During Gerindra’s campaign rally in Jakarta on Sunday, Prabowo read a poem about how a liar should not be chosen as a leader. The poem also mentioned a leader who was well-mannered but less than honest.
Suhardi denied speculation that the poem was addressed at Joko.
“There was no need to name anyone,” he said. ”The poem was meant to wake people up that manners should not trump honesty, because honesty is the ultimate requirement to be a leader.”
Suhardi said that through the poem Prabowo was trying to convey that a leader needed to have sufficient capabilities and it was not enough just be popular and likable.
Prior to Joko’s entry into the presidential race, Prabowo was seen as the candidate to beat. However, many say his bid could end before it begins due to a lack of party support.
The PDI-P won 14 percent of the vote in 2009, while Gerindra only garnered 4.5 percent.
Under electoral law, a party or coalition needs to win 25 percent of the legislative vote, or control 20 percent of seats at the House of Representatives, ti be eligible to nominate a presidential candidate.
Analysts say Prabowo burned his bridges with the PDI-P by glorifying his role in last year’s Jakarta gubernatorial race.
Although she did not mention Prabowo by name, Megawati blasted “free riders” taking credit for Joko’s victory.
Previously Prabowo, in an apparent attack against Joko, had cautioned voters not to choose a “puppet presidential candidate.”
Polls have consistently shown if Joko wasn’t running, Prabowo would be the clear favorite to win the election.
A team named the New Jakarta Advocacy Team, which supported Joko and his deputy, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, in their gubernatorial campaign in 2012, said last week that they would file a lawsuit against Joko for accepting the presidential nomination.
The group demanded that Joko remain in his post until the end of his term in 2017.
New Jakarta Advocacy Team coordinator Habiburokhman said the team had supported Joko in becoming the governor, and it expected him to repay that support by seeing out his terms and promises.
Habiburokhman, who is also the head of Gerindra’s advocacy unit, said Joko was legally bound to his promises because they were the basis for his winning in 2012.
Firman Noor, a political analyst from the Indonesia Institute of Sciences, or LIPI, said that the public’s disappointment regarding Joko’s decision to accept the presidential nomination could serve as ammunition for his rivals.
The verbal attacks are mainly aimed at Joko’s integrity, who during his gubernatorial campaign promised to serve as governor for the full five-year term and to help overcome Jakarta’s problems.
Another strategy to hurt Joko’s credibility is through the lawsuit filed by the New Jakarta Advocacy Team, Firman said.
Dono Prasetyo, chairman of the Jokowi National Secretariat, a supporters’ group, said the lawsuit was a blatant attempt by rivals to smear the governor.
Habiburokhman denied that the lawsuit was a smear campaign, but insisted it was a form of support for Joko to remain as Jakarta’s governor because he had been working well.
He said Joko’s popularity in part came from a “man of the people” image and a willingness to go out and visit poor

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